Wednesday, March 3, 2021

Stop Hugging Sacred Cows 101 (Sh#itcan The Filibuster)


<Official Portrait: Public Domain>

"The rules in the Senate have really been put there 
to preserve the power of the minority. Now we have to show that it's going to make a difference that we're not going to get caught up in the tyranny of the minority that exists in the Senate."

<Congresswoman Pramilla Jayapal (D-WA)>

You don't let no-one know
Just where the money goes
Because of parasites
I ain't got no rights
All the aces
All the aces
All the aces, I don't like people who ain't got no faces
Motorhead, "All The Aces" (Bomber, 1979)

<i.>
I've just finished shelling out almost $700 in medical bills, between the Squawker and myself. So why do I still have to listen to shriveled mummies like Senator Joe Manchin (D?-WV) lecture me about how costly is to fix the problems that pillage my pocketbook? 

“I think all of them realize that what we have with ACA (Affordable Care Act), it needs to be fixed. Now, they're talking in their grand plan of what they want to do. But then it has to come to fiscal responsibilities. How do you do it? Because those are major changes. It's easier to fix what we have now.” (Washington Post, 6/26/19)

That's where Joe stood then, and he hasn't budged since. As Democrats go, he makes a good Republican, given his overstuffed net worth, which we've variously posted at $6 to 8 million, and $10 million (so our Google walkin' fingers tell us, at various times). I call him The $10 Million Country Boy, because it sounds catchier. Guess that's just my punk rock crankiness calling,.

But I also understand why creeps like Manchin are such immovable objects. Empathy isn't  part of their makeup. They live by an entirely different set of rules that doesn't apply to me. I have no insurance, so therefore, I don't exist. Simple as that. Wait, I take that back. I had insurance, for two years, through the Michigan Medicaid expansion, until my income exceeded the magic number needed to boot me off it.

Still, the music biz is nothing like the healthcare biz, when it comes to what they charge you. Of the $700 I cited above, I racked up almost $500, just from one visit to the urologist ($325), not to mention the resulting tests ($175). Ka-ching! That included a second urine test, for the princely sum of $33. (Once I got the discount, that is.)

Whoops, almost forgot. I stubbed my toe, resulting in a nasty red blotch on the tip of it. Amid whispers of dry and/or wet gangrene, I was advised to check it out, so I duly trooped down to the local urgent care, and had them look at it. Which they did, once I paid the $139 they wanted, upfront. Ka-ching! The diagnosed a blood blister, one that thankfully required no X-rays or testing. Otherwise, they'd have wanted another $100 upfront. Ka-ching!

I don't blame the medical professionals involved for any of this stuff. They often seem apologetic about their position in the American healthcare circus, and the absurdities it enforces on those caught in the ebb and flow of its blackened whirlpool. 

"Do you want to pay me part of this now?" I asked the woman at the urology reception desk. "I'm not with Meridian* anymore." 

"No, we'll just bill you." Pause. Here comes the punchline, I told myself. "That way, you'll still get the 20 percent discount."

"That takes a load off my mind, I guess..."

But seriously, folks. I just flew in from the urology clinic, and boy, are my arms tired. And that's not even what irks me off the most. 



<"Who Do You Work For, Really?"/
The Reckoner>


"I must be an acrobat/To talk like this, and look like that..." (U2, Acrobat)

<ii.>
Now that the ACA has survived so many Republican kamikaze raids to kill it, there's three paths forward, the talking heads tell us. We can try to create some kind of single-payer system (God forbid); implement Medicare For All, and its associated solutions, such as lowering the eligibility age to 55 or 60 (not as painful, but still requires lots of needle threading); or bolster the existing law, by making its subsidies more generous, for those who struggle to pay its monthly premiums (deemed the safest, likeliest bet).

Whatever scenario you favor, you still have to worry about the 60-vote hump needed to kill any potential filibuster, a parliamentary procedure designed to stop bills in their tracks. The most common example occurs when one or more Senators move to block or delay debate on a measure, typically by making lengthy speeches against it, or offering numerous procedural amendments.

Often, the mere threat of a filibuster is enough to persuade Senator Blowhard to pull his dream bill off the floor. The repeated failure to enact civil rights laws is the most notorious (and obvious) example of "death by filibuster," but hardly the only one. The struggle to pass a comprehensive voting rights protection law might well end up as the next notorious casualty.

However, the Joe Manchins and Kyrsten Sinemas have expressed much public queasiness about scrapping the filibuster, amid the how-much-is-too-much debate over the latest stimulus package in a 50-50 Senate. Or maybe they're bucking their fellow Democrats because of that math. It's hard to tell when you're dealing with human weathervanes. Hence, the Democrats are relying on the budget reconciliation process, which only requires a simple majority to push through the whole shebang, without any Republicans muddying the waters.

But relying on reconciliation to do all your heavy lifting carries big drawbacks. It's solely reserved for measures affecting revenue, spending, and the federal debt limit. Congress can only pass such three bills per year. Either side can appeal whatever provisions displease them to the Senate parliamentarian, who somehow decided recently that a $15 minimum wage proposal doesn't fall into that bucket.

The logic escapes me, but one fact is clear. While the math of reconciliation is simple, the process is a Rube Goldbergian nightmare, as Esquire observes:

"The whole process is like squeezing your way through a tiny window when the door is right there. And the squeeze has caused Congress to recede as a branch of government, increasingly ceding power to the Executive and Judiciary. The Senate has basically banned itself from doing anything but allocating funds."

Honestly, it's strange watching Democrats acting so skittish about the very weapon that their Republican antagonists have wielded to such devastating effect since 2009. You'd think that hearing former President Obama label the filibuster as "a Jim Crow relic" would offer the ideal cue, if not some type of air cover, for all those traditionalists who want to keep on playing by the same rules that their counterparts routinely gamed, ignored, or sidestepped. 

Remember the GOP rallying cry ("Fire the parliamentarian!") that went up during their 2017 ACA repeal crusade, when aspects of the Rube Goldberg process didn't go their way? It didn't happen, but as the old saying goes, "Who dares, wins." Now, close your eyes, and try to imagine Joe Biden and his advisers saying it. See how long that image lasts, before you start busting a gut. 

Yeah, I thought so. Didn't even take more than a couple seconds. Hell. It might even make a great indoor game for you during these COVID-blighted times.




“I do not support Medicare for All. I'm really focused on solutions that are realistic and pragmatic and we can get done.”

Senator Kyrsten Sinema (D?-AZ), clarifying matters for "The Hill" blog (8/22/18)

<iii.>
Okay, now that we've had our civics lesson, and recent history refresher course, what are some compelling reasons for killing the filibuster, the next time Moderate Mickey and Mallory start carping and quailing about staying the course? Let's roll the credits, and count the ways:

"But it'll blow up the Senate!" That's well underway. The Democrats eliminated filibusters for executive branch and some judicial nominees in 2013; the Republicans scratched them in 2017 for Supreme Court nominations, allowing them to shoehorn three of the Federalist Society's latest graduates onto the bench. Been there, done that, bought the T-shirt.

"But it'll further undermine our democracy!" The  filibuster greases the gridlock that prompts sitting Presidents to rely on executive orders, and thus, make end runs around those pests in Congress. The "phone and pen" model, as practiced by Presidents Obama and Trump, has arguably wreaked as much (or more) havoc on our system as the filibuster. But only the losing side complains.

"But it goes against how the Senate works!" Actually, no. The filibuster isn't some sacred rite handed down by Those Guys In Stockings and Wigs, as they went about dreaming up our republic. It didn't square with their original concept of the Senate, so they didn't put into the Constitution. If they could live without the filibuster, so can we.

"But it'll kill any further chance of bipartisan cooperation!" There's nothing bipartisan about Republicans who a) stay silent over the January 6 coup attempt, b) play along with Trump's Big Lie about winning the election, c) unleash an avalanche of proposed new laws designed to suppress voting (read: no more pesky minorities  getting in our way), d) resist all attempts to hold themselves or their violent, unhinged cult followers accountable for all of the above. 

Searching for that second, third or fourth Republican vote is like searching for the Loch Ness Monster. Have you seen one in a zoo lately? I thought so. The GOP has made its preferences clear enough lately. So should we.

"But it's needed to protect minority rights!" See Ms. Jayapal's quote above. Anyone who swallows that bait doesn't know how the Senate really works, where it only takes one individual Senator to throw sand in the machinery, and grind it to a halt.

"But the Republicans will use it as a club to take revenge, when the Senate falls back into their hands!" Undoubtedly, yes. No question about it; the current generation of GOPers, from Josh Hawley, to Ted Cruz, are scheming, seditious, petty, vindictive you-know-whats, whose lack of regard for anyone but themselves and their clique has raised spitefulness to a whole new level. That being said...

So What?



<Official Portrait: Public Domain>

<"Preserving the filibuster is not worth letting millions of people in this country go hungry, sleep in their cars, or struggle to afford baby formula."

Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY),
Twitter feed, three days ago>

<iv.>
If all we do is wait for the Cruzes, Hawleys and similar seditious-minded colleagues to do something terrible, and then, somehow try to fix their damage after the fact, we might as well fold our tents and go home right now. 

Keeping the filibuster preserves Democrats in the same suffocating amber that's dogged them since Napoleon From Louisville, AKA Mitch McConnell, began regularly dropping his procedural pipe bombs a decade or so ago. The script goes like this: Republicans do something horrible; Democrats squeak, "Oh, my goodness me, whatever shall we do," and scurry to play catchup, usually without much success.

Killing the filibuster smashes that dynamic, and potentially offers Democrats more room to dream bigger on goals like the $15 an hour minimum wage, immigration reform, and election reform. Threats of, "We've got 51 votes," might force some Republicans to rethink their tactics on some bills, since the days of odd couples like Bob Dole and Ted Kennedy hammering out some backroom compromise are a distant memory now.

Yes, Centrist Charlie, not every bill will advance or pass, even without a filibuster to smother it, but so far, Biden isn't finding 10 Republicans willing to help him, anyway, let that elusive second or third one on a narrower vote. Without either of those options materializing, the argument becomes more purely academic.

Failing to grasp that simple fact risks springing the same 2010-era trap that nearly cost Obama the ACA, his signature legislative achievement, and ushered in the Age of Cruelty, under Trump. Republicans got away with a double game, first, by paralyzing Congress, the weaponizing that same paralysis against the Democrats.

Sounds absurd? Maybe so, but thanks to the Tea Party's rise, enough people bought it, costing Democratic control of the House of Representatives in 2010, and the Senate, in 2014. The fallout of this failure becomes even more painful when we consider that, for his first 178 days, Obama actually enjoyed a filibuster-proof Senate majority that peaked at 60-40, when he could well have passed whatever he wanted.

That didn't happen, of course, thanks to geniuses like Obama's dimwitted, foul-mouthed chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel, who legendarily advised his boss not to bother aggressively filling judicial vacancies, because he "didn't give a f#ck about federal judgeships." Mitch McConnell certainly did; we all know how that movie turned out.

But losing a majority is one thing; losing our democracy is quite another, so the logic of self-preservation should be enough to convince Democrats it's time to think beyond the box, like modifying or scrapping the filibuster. Otherwise, we risk a rerun of January 6th, with another mindless mob baying for our blood, at the business end of their bear spray and body armor. It's time we find an exit off the Highway of Learned Helplessness, because the price of occupancy is way too high. 


<Coda>
Oh, and as for my medical bills? On the bright side, I'll qualify for Medicare and Medicaid in just under a decade, assuming our democratic experiment isn't a smoking ruin by then, or I'll have to find some way to become wealthy enough to pay out of pocket, however unrealistic that sounds.

You know what? On second thought, I think I'll just buy a lottery ticket when the jackpot gets large enough. Unlike the work world, at least I have the same  chance as anybody else. And it sure beats waiting for Democrats to play catchup. We all know how that movie turns out, too. --The Reckoner


(*The provider who served me during my two-year flirtation with state-sponsored insurance.)

Links To Go
Esquire: Democrats Need
To Sh#tcan The Filibuster, 
Or We Are All Screwed
:

Yahoo.com: Analysis: Biden Ambitions
Run Into Reality Of Senate's Rules:

Yahoo.com: Democrats Launch 

Sunday, February 14, 2021

Conservative Propaganda Gone Weird:: "Brink Of Disaster"/"Tragedy Or Hope" (1972)

Dr. Harden: "Don't worry, son...
if you play your cards right, 
you'll end up 
running the government some day!"
 

<i.>
If you're a dedicated vampire like me, you can find anything to watch, if you try hard enough. A good video and/or audio soundtrack is an absolute must, when you work all night, as I often do. But sometimes, you have to take what you get, which explains how I sat through Brink Of Disaster!, and its sequel, Tragedy Or Hope?, a two-part anti-hippie agitprop epic produced and released by Searcy College, a fundamentalist college in Arkansas, in 1972. I found them during my usual 3:00 a.m. channel surfing, as part of a "Reel America" series on C-SPAN3 (American History TV).

Conservative agitprop has a long history in America, for anyone who cares to trawl through it. Notorious examples include the camp classic, Reefer Madness (1936) and The Terrible Truth (1951), which frets that "the Soviet Union was pushing drugs in America." From those efforts, it's not a big leap to the videos featured on PragerU, right-wing talk show host Dennis Prager's brainchild, like "Do You Understand The Electoral College?", and its immortal tagline, "Pure democracies do not work." Tell me more, Dennis, tell me more...

As low budget projects go, Brink Of Disaster! and Tragedy Or Hope seem a notch lower than most. (I had to make liberal use of my Fill Light function, because the prints I saw looked so muddy and washed out.) Both films take place in a college library, with a skimpy plot to match their equally skimpy budgets, as the lone Internet Movie Database review makes plain: "Johnny, one of the leaders in a gang that is against anything and everything, breaks into the library to study (?) and also to protect the library from the hooligans when they arrive. This already doesn't make sense."

That's putting it mildly, as we'll see, but the filmmakers caught one break. Although American involvement in Vietnam, and the campus protests, sit-ins and strikes that accompanied it, were gradually winding down at this point -- as President  Richard Nixon seemed certain to cruise to a second term -- there was enough unrest going on to pad out both films with stock footage galore, Ed Wood-style.


<"Brink Of Disaster": Opening Montage
AV Geeks: YouTube Screen Grab>

<ii.>
Deep down, I suspect that Ed Wood would have felt perversely proud of Brink Of Disaster!, and not just because he apparently held his own conservative views. As proof, commentators point to Wood's speechwriting work for Los Angeles Mayor Sam Yorty, for whom he also directed segments of a local talk show that the city's chief executive fronted throughout his tenure (1960-74). (Then again, maybe we're reading too much into the association. Wood, like countless creatives, took quickie gig jobs for money, whether he believed in a project, or didn't.) 

Yorty became remembered (and reviled) for a cranky brand of populism that tilted sharply rightward as his tenure continued. The same harsh critic of busing, feminism and civil rights had no problems with his city's notoriously brutal and creepy police force, and its bareknuckled response to the 1965 Watts riots. Yorty attributed them to "outside agitators" (Communists, in far right-speak). Sounds a lot like that antifa hard-on that Trump and company got during last summer's unrest, doesn't it?

Hence, you get ample footage of campus unrest -- featuring H. Rap Brown and Jerry Rubin, the antifa boogeymen of their era -- contrasted with generous images of every day Americana, from assembly lines, to large farming fields, and clips of people going about their business in classrooms, libraries, and hospitals, presumably designed to give the viewer a warm, fuzzy feeling about the good ol' US of A, of course.

This trope takes a truly racist turn in Tragedy Of Hope, when Dr. Harden snaps back at Johnny's ambivalence about capitalism, by sneering, "What's wrong with this type of materialism? It's the difference between life in the jungle, and life in civilization."  Cut to a stereotypical image of "natives" dancing with oversized shields. All that's missing is the bone in the nose.

From eyeballing that scene, you'd never know that institutions like Makerere University, in Uganda, or the National University of Singapore were already well-established as world-class institutions. Stock they may be, but such images tell you, better than anything else, where the filmmakers were actually coming from.


"Stop this bad historical acting...
right now! Please!"

<iii.>
That said, Brink Of Disaster! boasts some big names, as a quick scan through IMDB reveals. Producer Jerry Fairbanks arguably had the most glittering resume, as his bio suggests (below). He'd started as a cameraman during the silent era, before graduating to more complex assignments, like choreographing the aerial dogfights in Hells' Angels (1930), an early Howard Hughes sound film. Fairbanks became one of the first directors to recognize the promise of television, and is considered the real pioneer of the three-camera setup that became its common production currency.

Although Desi Arnaz and Karl Freund reaped the credit for using the three-camera shoot, as co-producers of I Love Lucy, Arnaz freely acknowledged where he'd gotten his inspiration. (Fairbanks claimed that he didn't bother patenting his idea, because he cared more about helping the fledgling TV industry, than personal credit, or money) He still managed to keep himself busy, mostly with short films, like Letter To Moscow (1959), an industrial flick that slammed the Soviet way of life (and allegedly wound up hand delivered to Russian leader Nikita Khrushchev!).

Director John Florea had overseen hit shows like Sea Hunt, and Mission Impossible, while screenwriter Leo Rosecrans specialized in short films like Anatomy Of An Accident (1961), and such curiosities as Charlie's Haunt (1950) a comedy that features Edgar Bergen's famous wooden companion haunting a small town. As the cliche goes, you couldn't make up this stuff, if you tried.

Ed Nelson -- who plays Dr. Hartman, the professor and mouthpiece for the filmmakers' presumptive views -- is the only "name" actor here. Best known as Dr. Michael Rossi, in "Peyton Place," Nelson amassed nearly 200 credits (see below). Brink Of Disaster marked one of seven appearances for him in 1972 alone, between guest spots in period shows like Night Gallery, Sixth Sense, and Owen Marshall, Counselor At Law.

Gary Crabbe, cast as the imaginatively named John(ny) Smith, wannabe student agitator -- notched just four TV gigs between 1969 and 1974, the bulk of them as an uncredited dancer on The Julie Andrews Hour (1972-73). You can only imagine how his agent pitched this assignment: "Hey, kid, everybody's gotta start somewhere..." It probably sounded better than the alternative: "Fame is a harsh mistress," I guess.

"We could rule the world, 
if we could only find the parts..."

<iv.>
So what happens in these films? Not much, honestly. Brink opens with Johnny bent over a desk at the library, to research a paper he's writing about the heartbeats of turtles (!), but the baseball bat he's carrying suggests that something sinister is afoot. It falls to his Revolutionary War ancestor, Jonathan Smith, to explain that he's returned from the spirit world to see if his descendants really appreciate the country he worked so hard to build.

Jonathan doesn't show up until about the 3:30 mark, as a buttery acoustic jazz bassline burbles in the background. He warns Johnny about seeing a crowd of radicals plotting to burn down the college library, and asks what he plans to do about it. Johnny helpfully explains that he just wants to protect the medical books. As for the rest of the volumes? "That's not my responsibility," he scoffs.

"Now, look, son, " Jonathan scolds. "You can't stand on both sides of the fence at once." He demands that Johnny take a firmer stand against the radicals, saying that he and his spirit world buddies discussed trying to arrest the whole lot of them. "We just don't stomach a bunch of hooligans trying to tear down what we've given our whole lives to build," Jonathan frets.

They yammer on for a few minutes more, in classic turgid '70s style. At one point, as Jonathan rhapsodizes about the role of family and religion ("They kept us straight"). he wonders if finding the right girl might make Johnny feel more contented with his lot.

"I've found dozens of 'em," Johnny leers. "Why keep a cow, when milk's so cheap?" That freewheeling bit of cynicism is among the only authentic elements here, if only because I've heard so many so-called Christians hurl that metaphor in my face, too, when I acknowledged my own live-in relationship. That I'm happily married, decades later, never entered their heads. Then again, it never would, if films like this one were the end result.


<"Tragedy Or Hope"
YouTube Screen Grab:

Dr. Harden: "Captain, do you think anybody 
will sit through this piffle more than once?"

Captain Smith: "Aye, mate. They've got to. 
There's nothing else at 3:00 a.m."

<iv.>
Not to worry, though. Three minutes before Brink finally wraps up, one of Johnny's professors, Dr. Harden, arrives to give him the philosophical beatdown he deserves. He telegraphs that intent by scoffing at SDS (Students for a Democratic Society) as "Students for a dirtier society." It's an odd jibe to hurl, since SDS's influence had waned drastically, after a much-publicized split in 1969; its dissolution was only two years away when these films came out. Either Fairbanks and company had no clue, or figured nobody would care.

Dr. Harden also has little truck with popular culture ("Freedom of speech is now freedom of filth"), in general, and pornography, in particular ("filthy books that no decent people would read"). He's also not terribly keen on young people living together, which is happening, anyway, like it or not, as Johnny retorts: "A lot of us guys and girls think that sleeping together because you want to is a lot better than sleeping together because you're supposed to." 

His cage suitably rattled, Johnny lights up a joint, which sets up another dreary round of verbal jiu jitsu with his older antagonist. 

Dr. Harden invokes the fear of being "weakened from within," another classic anti-Communist trope. Yes, he concedes, using pot isn't like shooting heroin. However... "No one goes directly to heroin," Dr. Harden barks. "But nearly everybody on heroin started with marijuana."

Just then, we hear the radicals screaming and pounding away. As the door buckles and shudders under its assault, Johnny waves Dr. Harden off with his bat, apparently ready to fling it open, and admit the mob -- until a whack on his noggin from Jonathan's musket knocks him stiff, and he falls to the floor, like a limp, wet rag.

"Sorry, Johnny, but I couldn't see you being a part of that wrecking crew," Jonathan sighs.

Brink Of Disaster! ends with a freeze frame of Jonathan and Dr  Harden weighing their options, as the final title card heaves into view: WILL YOU LET THIS BE THE END? 

We know it's not, because we've got another 25 minutes to yawn through, so buckle up, boys and girls.


<"Tragedy Or Hope":
Final Scene:
YouTube Screen Grab>

Our plucky defense team prepares to show the mindless mob "what's right about America."

<v.>
Tragedy Or Hope? begins with a rerun of the climactic three minutes from its predecessor, as an anonymous narrator intones: "Let's see if we can work out an allegorical second chance for John Smith, and incidentally, see what we can come up with for ourselves."

Cue another sensational title card ("Will it Be Tragedy, Or Hope?"), and more bad historical acting, from two more ancestors come to set Johnny straight: Captain Jack Smith, an 1850s-era steamboat captain, who wheezes out his insights in a cod Irish accent that sounds eerily close to those Leprachaun horror movies ("In America, people are always free to dream"), and John Jeremy Smith, who happens to be Johnny's recently departed grandfather. (Neither actor, like the guy playing Jonathan Smith, is credited, which is probably just as well for them, right?)

"Smitty," as Gramps prefers to call himself, just happened to have worked for Henry Ford! Imagine that, eh? Smitty recalls the Model T's creator as a genius who always outpaced his competitors ("He just put his mind to it, and built a better one"), one raised on religious principles, of course. Apparently, he never heard about Ford's anti-Semitic and union-busting proclivities.

Not to be outdone, Jonathan rhapsodizes about the wonders of "electrolicity," and modern farming, though I suspect he might change his tune, if somebody could explain the horrors of Monsanto's tactics to him. Dr. Harden also gets in a few more rhetorical punches, including a pitch for pure capitalism ("It's the greatest economic system ever known").

With so much yammering chewing up screen time, it's easy to forget the pretext for these films, which heats up when the door begins to buckle, once more, and the mob's full-throated roar rises a few more decibels. Jonathan, Captain Jack and Smitty hoist their makeshift weapons -- a musket, piece of mood, and Model T hand crank, respectively -- and gird for action. 

How (or where) they find them isn't explained, which sets up another unintentionally comic moment, as Smitty frets over the unimpressive nature of his weapon: "It's the best I could find. It's a little crooked, but I'll straighten it out on somebody." Glad we've cleared that issue up, then.

The intrepid group rushes forward, until Johnny raises his hand. He lowers his bat, momentarily, to deliver the climactic line: "I'm gonna tell 'em what's right with this country. That's still our best weapon."

Cue freeze frame, final title card, in all caps, so you get the message ("WILL YOU LET THIS TIME OF OUR LIVES BE TRAGEDY OR HOPE?"), which is delivered amid the stirring orchestral strains of "My Country, 'Tis Of Thee." Assuming you've made it this far, you probably won't feel stirred to watch this onslaught of cinematic word gruel ever again.


Grandpa Smith regrets to inform you that he didn't bring a suitable blunt instrument. 

<Coda>
Looking back now, I can only wonder, "Who was this for, exactly?" Not the "silent majority" who supported Richard Nixon, and already agreed with the message, presumably. Certainly, not the "dirty hippies" that Dr. Harden's character derides so gleefully, and so freely. 

That leaves one other option: most likely, "fence sitters" like Johnny, but I doubt this nearly hour-long epic would have stirred them to do anything but head for the exits. Or maybe get back to some heavy petting action, wherever this curiosity actually got shown. I can't imagine either film made it on too many screens.

Nowadays, of course, that angle wouldn't be a problem, starting with that wonderful digital octopus we call social media, like YouTube, where period pieces like this one can now enjoy a second act, of sorts. As we've seen from the likes of Fox News, or PragerU, the far right has considerably sharpened its professional and presentation A-game.

For all I know, somebody out there's thinking of rebooting these two films, weird as they are, only with stock footage of last summer's post-George Floyd unrest taking center stage, and a leaner, hungrier-looking Johnny bantering with a different set of ancestors, like a great-grandfather who helped Ayn Rand get lecture bookings, for example. 

Sound far-fetched? Not when you consider the constant "Stop the steal" messaging, brought to you through the above platforms, that's left us in our current predicament. Going after such messaging in a post-Trump era, is a much bigger job than taking down the man who inspired it, and lit the fuse for it. And therein lies the problem. And the challenge. --The Reckoner


Links To Go (Click Fast, Before
The Bad B-Acting Overwhelms You...)

Brink Of Disaster: Full Movie:

Jerry Fairbanks: Wikipedia Bio

Ed Nelson: Wikipedia Bio

Tragedy or Hope?: Full Film:

Wednesday, February 10, 2021

My Corona Diary (Take XXVII): What's Behind The Stimulus Cutoff Smokescreen?

<"Musical Chairs (Employer Stylee)":
The Reckoner>

<i.>
How do you best pit people against each other? Roll out a policy change that signals, "Some animals are more equal than others," Then watch the fun, and don't forget to bring the popcorn. This story happened long ago, but still rings true for me, as we'll see. 

I'd just landed my first newspaper job, which I've chronicled here already, in "Jobs To Nowhere (Take I) The Post-College Comedown." Like many small papers, you got a piddling wage for many more hours than a minimum wage retail or office job of the time required. There was no overtime clause, and no add-ons, unless you counted the mileage reimbursement.

This being the mid-1990s, our reimbursement amounted to 18 cents per mile, for any event that required driving to and from our poky little office (mostly, local government meetings, and the odd special event). In contrast, the IRS allowed 28 cents per mile, so we were at a disadvantage, to put it mildly.

I traveled a lot, mostly for county commission meetings. That group met at the county seat, some 30 miles away. My beats also included city councils and townships that were somewhat closer, usually 10 to 20 miles, but often burned up plenty of time, whether you were driving, or not.

As the new boy, though, I didn't have a choice. My bosses, who worked even more hours, typically grabbed the in-town, in-office beats -- like City Council -- for themselves, a move that allowed them to preserve some semblance of a family or personal life. I got that part, even as my spirit started sagging under the weight of an ever-expanding schedule.

There matters stood, until a couple years into my tenure, when  management -- pleading poverty, of course -- suddenly announced plans to cut mileage, as in, right now. That left a lot of long faces around our office, until management reversed itself, just as abruptly. 

Their new proposal called for one mileage check, at a $75 flat fee, tops. We'd no longer get them every other week, along with our regular paychecks. We'd still fill out mileage sheets, of course, based on round trip figures set by management. I don't know if they suspected people padding mileage, or fretted that two or three mileage checks per month was way too much. I had no idea, and knew better than to ask.

At any rate, management wanted a yes or a no from us. The loudest screams came from our sports stringers, who drove farther, and traveled longer, than I did. For these people, who got paid per mile, and per story, the changes amounted to a royal screwing.

The three full-timers, myself included, also made our displeasure clear, because it meant that we'd take a hit, though a smaller one, as we'd all started various side hustles, In my case, since I'd started freelance writing, it might mean doing an extra story or review or two. It'll suck, I told myself, but I can make this up. It's manageable.

The discussions heated up, as people chose sides, depending on their status. One of our sports stringers wound up quitting, loudly and angrily, over the issue. Being a single, middle-aged woman probably had something to do with it. 

I could feel her resentment during this time, whenever she got back from a game. It wasn't fun to see someone who'd laugh and joke around now sitting there tight-lipped, and staring straight ahead, as she banged out her story, and scuttled off, without even a goodnight.

Eventually, the majority opted for the 75 bucks. Like most of these feudal situations, you end up choosing  something moderately awful or totally awful, because that's all the menu allows. We let our overlords know, and that was the end of it. But needless to say, nobody felt good about the situation. Morale already stood at 69 feet below sea level, and we'd now dipped a foot or two deeper, still.




<ii.>
Needless to say, the recent debate over stimulus checks -- who should get them, or shouldn't -- left me with an uncomfortable feeling of "deja vu all over again," to coin Yogi Berra's celebrated phrase. Bernie Sanders's celebrated Tweet (above) summarizes the case pretty well. How can a Democrati administration that floated $2,000 stimulus checks, even discuss these kinds of income cutoffs, that so-called centrists like Joe Manchin (D-WV) are peddling? 

It's bad policy, and bad politics, too, as many commentators have already pointed out. The good news is that for now, at least, the same basic thresholds from the last round ($75,000 per individual, $100,000 per couple) will remain intact, at least for now. They shrink by $56 per $1,000 over those amounts. Cut and dried, case closed, right?

Well, yes, except to the likes of Manchin (Mansion?), who loves to affect an "aw, shucks, I'm just one of you folks" image, which serves as a useful distraction from his net worth, variously estimated at $6 to $8 million, depending on the source. To put it another way, I don't know where he's buying those finely-pressed clothes, but I doubt they're coming from the same places where his constituents shop.

The disconnect becomes even more glaring, when you realize that Manchin has voiced support for phasing out relief after the $50,00 and $100,000 thresholds for single people and couples, respectively. Manchin justifies this stance by saying that he favors "targeted relief," going to those "truly in need," phrases that invoke images of spoiled, upper-class brats laughing as they lounge on their yachts, celebrating their third round of stimulus money.

Here's the rub, though. There's different levels of need, depending on your personal situation, as Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez pointedly stated, in a Tweet of her own: "We cannot cut off relief at $50K. It is shockingly out of touch to assert that $50K is 'too wealthy' to receive relief. Millions are on the brink of eviction. Give too little and they're devastated. Give 'too much' and a single mom might save for a rainy day. This isn't hard."

Indeed, it isn't, and it shouldn't be, except President Biden left the door open a crack, by suggesting a willingness to negotiate the overall amounts. That's also bad politics, because if you really buy into those rhetorical flourishes, you're allowing yourself to be deceived.

Phrases like "truly in need" are downright ugly, because they make no allowances. Even if you haven't taken a hit during this COVID-racked economy, it's fair to suggest that a $50,000 annual income goes a hell of a lot farther in, say, rural Michigan or Ohio, but probably won't even get you off the starting blocks in a big city like Chicago, for instance. 

Even $100,000 doesn't get you in the door anymore at our nation's capital, which now requires an annual estimated income of $122,900 or $143,000, if you're renting or paying a mortgage, respectively, according to gobankingrates.com: "That's an increase of 50.8% and 30.4%, respectively, since 2016." 

GO Banking Rates's story blames lack of affordable housing, rising property values and healthcare costs, and -- most ironically of all -- an influx of wealthy residents, which tends to aggravate whatever inequality already exists. If you don't see that different levels of need exist out there, you probably won't appreciate why a proposal to cut off checks after the $50,000 or $100,000 mark might earn some pushback.

And that's before we get to the other obvious point. The same Republicans, and their so-called Democratic "centrist' counterparts, who clutch pearls and fret about spending a few dimes too many on the great unwashed, will be the first to roll out attack ads when it's time to con votes, complete with the appropriate fake Churchillian voiceover: "President Biden could have helped you, But he left you in the dust. He didn't come through, and neither did my opponent."

Hopefully, when it's time for a do-or-die vote on Biden's $1.9 trillion stimulus proposal, we won't see a repeat of the sorry experience of 2009, when the Democrats allowed themselves to get buffaloed into accepting a $787 million stimulus -- instead of a trillion, as Obama proposed -- that proved too weak to jump-start an economy reeling from a widespread meltdown.

Even without that history, though, I'd be happy to remind them of what happens when you decide, effectively, that "some animals are equal than others." If you want to see how it makes people feel, take a moment to watch Ritchie Ramone outline why he quit the Ramones in the End Of The Century documentary.

As the drummer explains, the tipping point  came over T-shirt sales, where he wasn't a Ramone -- and watched those cash-filled envelopes passed to the remaining three founders, Johnny, Joey and Dee Dee, after shows. 

For a young guy trying to make it in New York City on a basic weekly salary, the disconnect got too hard to swallow anymore, and so, exit Ritchie Ramone, after four years (1983-87), and some 300- to 400-odd shows. "I just wanted some of that T-shirt money," Ritchie sputters, repeating each word, for emphasis. "What...was...the...big...deal?"

I'm sure our sports stringer asked herself the same question, once she realized what accepting that $75 flat mileage check actually meant. If nothing else, it gave her a not so eloquent summary of how she really stood with the people in charge.

Now that the Democrats are finally back in charge of the government again, I hope they don't fall into the same trap, and leave folks asking the same burning question: "What...was...the...big...deal?" 

You know the old saying, right? Those who don't learn from history are condemned to repeat it. The only problem is, if they screw up...so are we. -- The Reckoner 


Links To Go (Hurry, Hurry,
Before They Cap Your Check...)

Fatherly: Here's Who Will Get
The $1,400 Stimulus Checks:

GO Banking Rates:
The Salary You Need 
To Live Well In Washington, DC Skyrockets:

https://www.gobankingrates.com/money/economy/rising-cost-live-comfortably-washington-dc/

Punk Rock Art Corner: For Your Consideration: Mr. Hawley, And His Ever-Changing Moods

 

<Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO),
Official Portrait>

"We're going to protect
the American people.

It’s the first job 
of the American government.

Any elected official
who has
law enforcement responsibility
and won’t do it
needs to resign.”

<Hawley, (non-)responding
to last summer's
Black Lives Matter protests,
Fox News, 8/27/20>



"The sole responsibility
left to Hawley and his colleagues
is to enforce the law
and bring Trump to justice.

"The American people
came under attack on Jan. 6.
The Republican president
refused to protect them.

"Any elected official 
who has 
law enforcement responsibility
and won’t do it
needs to resign.”

<"Law-and-Order Republicans
Like Hawley
Need to Impose
Law and Order on Trump"

<St. Louis Dispatch,
Editorial Page, 2/01/21>



"If you've been speaking
to folks at home,
I'm sure you know
how deeply angry and disillusioned many, many people are —
and how frustrated
that Congress has
taken little or no action."

<Hawley, justifying 
his objections
to certifying
Joe Biden's
election as President>

Axios, 12/31/20>


<"Fade To Black...
And Then Gray":
The Reckoner>

<"[Senate Majority Leader Mitch] McConnell asked Hawley
to explain what he planned to do on Jan. 6, said a source on the [GOP conference] call.

"Then, Indiana Sen. Todd Young pressed Hawley on which states 
he planned to contest, and Pennsylvania Sen. Pat Toomey defended the integrity 
of his state's elections.

"There was just one problem: they were met with silence.

"Hawley hadn't dialed into the conference call..."

<Axios, 12/31/20>

"For most of the time, 
he was in a corner 
of the room by himself 
with no one talking to him 
or acknowledging him."

<Wall Street Journal,
"Hawley Faces 
Fierce Backlash 
From Colleagues, Donors After Capitol Riot," 1/08/21> 

<Former U.S. Sen. John Danforth,
R-MO (1976-96), Official Portrait>

"I thought he was special. And I did my best to encourage people to support him both for attorney general and later the US Senate and it was the biggest mistake I've ever made in my life.

"I don't know if he was 
always like this
and good at covering it up 
or if it happened.
I just don't know."

<John Danforth, rueing
his support for Hawley's
2018 Senate campaign,
St. Louis Post-Dispatch>



"When I think of 
all the lies I've told, 
It's a wonder I can stand myself...

"It's just 
my ever-changing moral stance
is up for grabs again...

"My ever-changing 
moral stance
is up for grabs again..."

<Stiff Little Fingers,
"My Ever-Changing Moral Stance,"
Tinderbox (1997)>