Showing posts with label electability trope. Show all posts
Showing posts with label electability trope. Show all posts

Tuesday, August 4, 2026

Michigan's & Missouri's Primary Reckoning: Will The Money Silence The Many?

 


<Sourced via Facebook surfing: 
A fair snapshot of the mood?>

<i.>
Never mind the pundits, here's the reality behind all their bollocks: voters in two major primaries will finally have their say, after endless months of media bloviating, record levels of dark money spending, and the usual standard issue wish casting will likely end up forgotten -- depending on tonight's outcomes.

In this corner, you have Michigan's Democratic US Senate primary. It's one that pits its handpicked Establishment favorite, Haley Stevens, against the insurgent upstart doctor and former public health official, Abdul El-Sayed. In that corner, voters in Missouri's First District -- situated just outside of St. Louis -- will decide whether to turn out Democratic incumbent Wesley Bell, and replace him with Cori Bush, whom he ousted in 2024.

As it happened, the 2024 Bush-Bell matchup served as a harbinger of things to come. Its major legacy remains the $8 million that the notorious pro-Israeli lobby, AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee), successfully spent to oust Bush from office.

This time around, they're shelling out a smaller sum ($3 million), possibly because their attention is elsewhere -- judging by the mind-boggling $60 million that it's invested, along with its notorious Astroturf groups, particularly the United Democratic Project (UDP) -- toward the goal of preventing El-Sayed from winning his party's nomination.

For space and practicality reasons, we'll focus on the Michigan primary, whose stakes are billed as so much existentially greater -- though, as Bush and her allies rightly point out, if she wins tonight, it'll mark the first successful reclamation of a seat back from AIPAC. That wouldn't be a small development, either, as Justice Democrats spokesman Usamah Andrabi notes (see link below):

 "I think her victory this cycle would be monumental. We haven't had a lot of cycles to try this out, but this would be the first time that we would be able to take a seat back from AIPAC after they bought one and deliver it back to working-class people."

But we'll focus more keenly on the Michigan primary race, even though there's a lot of overlapping factors between both races -- particularly the spending, which has become the story, much to the chagrin of Stevens and her claque of Establishment backers (Governor Gretchen Whitmer, former Congresswoman Debbie Stabenow, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, and retiring Senator Gary Peters, to name a few).

In any event, the Guardian writeup (see link below) offers a crisp, detailed summary of the Bush-Bell rematch, which is no less bitterly contested than last time -- whether you favor Bell's perspective ("
“I’m not a fan of Netanyahu, but I think it’s important to stand with all of our allies"), Bush's (“I credit the fact that we didn’t stop, that we grew the coalition, and then having the loss grew the coalition even more"), or voters tired of money buying elections ("“Blind support for AIPAC candidates is not leading us to anything").

However Missouri's rematch goes, there seems little question that AIPAC's initials are becoming as politically toxic as AI, and its champions' promotions of the data centers needed to impose their consumer surveillance state. But we'll touch on that matter shortly.


<Republican Fearmongering, Exhibit A-Z
(...Some Things Never Change)>


<ii.>
In many ways, El-Sayed's background is much a study in contrasts as the dynamics of the race that's pitted him against Stevens. Critics complain of struggling to square the signature chant of his rallies ("Money out of politics, money in your pocket, Medicare For All!") with an educational background that includes some of the  marquee names of higher education (University of Michigan, Oxford, and Columbia, where he completed his medical degree).

They also question, as Steven does, if someone who's written three books, hosts a public health podcast ("America Dissected, With Dr. Abdul El-Sayed"), and owns multiple rental properties in Ann Arbor, Dubai, and India -- worth an estimated $500,000 -- can claim to genuinely champion working class interests. It's a fair question worthy of a fair answer, though the nitty-gritty of such accusations is more complicated, as we'll see momentarily.

The short answer is that El-Sayed appears to have seized the momentum more successfully in his direction. His basic platform -- including a data center moratorium, Medicare For All, redirecting our $4 billion aid for Israel toward domestic priorities, refusal to take corporate donations, trimming Big Tech's sails, and a wealth tax -- ticks all the relevant progressive boxes as well as a popular discontent that's never seethed more strongly against the billionaire class striving so hard to buy Stevens the promotion she seeks, from Congresswoman, to U.S. Senator.

If its headlines are any sign, the legacy media's reaction to El-Sayed's surge -- most polls show him leading Stevens by a double-digit margin -- ranges from fuddled brow furrowing (New York Times: "Michigan's Tense Democratic Senate Race Poses A Big Test For A Divided Party") and wish casting (The New Yorker: "Will Left-Wing Democrats Reinvent the Party, or Hurt Its Chances in November?"), to blind panic (The Atlantic: "Abdul El-Sayed Fuses Together Two Toxic Ideologies").

The scarifying language of such headlines -- coupled with negative press that dutifully echoes Stevens's accusations of sexism, political dilettantism, and so on -- mirrors the fervent prayers of Schumer and his fellow Boomer Beltway mandarins, that this horrible "democratic socialist" virus is some hideous passing fad that will thankfully melt away, once the little people finally come to their senses.

The only problem with such reasoning, as El-Sayed has repeatedly pointed out, is that it ignores the rottenness of a system that gave Trump such a welcome space to enter the public square in the first place. If the root cause simply came down to voters missing a lecture or two on moderation, how does that hypothesis explain Trump's 2016 and 2024 victories?

If Schumer and company really think so, they may face a rude awakening from voters like Les Lukacs, who cited his lack of health insurance as the reason for casting a ballot for El-Sayed: "
"We can barely afford groceries and gas. I have to make sacrifices - and healthcare is one of them." He doesn't plan to vote for Stevens if El-Sayed ends up losing; it's likely that his sentiment isn't an isolated one.

This reality on the ground is what the punditocracy and its Washington allies seem unable to grasp. When polls show that half of Americans struggling to afford groceries -- and four in 10 cite gas prices as a "significant source of stress" in their lives -- is it really so surprising that voters are tiring of cautious incrementalism as a cure-all for those ills, especially as the basic disease (hint: rampant levels of inequality) continues to get worse?

Why should anyone expect us to tolerate a system that delivers so little, and inflicts so much pain, presided over by a political class that seems hellbent on wrecking our lives beyond repair, even as it refuses to invest the minimal effort of sweeping up the resulting hot mess? Those who insist otherwise do so at their peril...to put rather midlly.


<A Rogue's Gallery To End All Rogue's Galleries:
A Summary Of Corporate Donors Funding Stevens's Campaign:
Is This What She Means By "Having The Receipts?">

<iii.>
If Abu El-Sayed comes across as the cocky overachiever -- one who's variously dissed his opponent as  "the least capable candidate in America," and "a suit with a large AIPAC bank account" -- Stevens seems more like the peremptory prom queen who doesn't understand why nobody loves her anymore, once she's successfully stuffed the ballot box.

It's the reason, perhaps, why she picks public fights about the authenticity of her accent -- as if "sounding Michigan" is sufficient grounds for lifting her over the finish line ("
Let's be real. They're making fun of Michigan," she told the BBC. "They're thinking they're better than us.")


The four-term Congresswoman often seems brittle and defensive on the campaign trail, particularly when reporters and voters press her to justify the corporate largesse being lavished so openly on her behalf -- including $30 million from AIPAC, and $30 million from its various Astroturf groups. Call it the "Justin Timberlake" theory of politics, which focuses on carpet-bombing of images, memes, and slick 30-second ads -- all banking on the idea that even if you don't end up saying "yes," or "uncle" (depending on the circumstance), someone close to you might.

Stevens's go-to response, whenever AIPAC comes up, is avoidance -- as seen from video clips of an appearance in Traverse City, that she abruptly called off, on hearing that influencer Troy Masterson might try to bring it up. You can find them without trouble, I'm sure.

The strangest aspect of the Traverse City affair -- as Masterson and other Stevens critics have pointed out -- is that it forced the scuttling of an event for supporters. Like it or not, disruption goes with the political territory, so if Stevens think it's getting weird already, she may want to get out now. Obviously, that's not happening yet, but so runs the logic of the entitled. Right? Whatever they want, they think it belongs to them -- and hell hath no fury to those who suggest otherwise.

Her campaign materials also play fast and loose with basic facts, whether it's the commercial edited to suggest that former President Obama endorses her (he did, but only for her 2018 and 2020 House races), or suggesting that El-Sayed continued to urge the Uncommitted movement against endorsing the Democrats' 2024 losing nominee, Kamala Harris (he didn't).

She has also thrown shade in El-Sayed's direction for allegedly being demeaning and disrespectful of women, focusing on criticisms of Whitmer and former First Lady Michelle Obama -- though some basic fact-checking from Bridge Michigan casts doubt on these claims as misleading, or relying on a fog of innuendo without specific examples to back them up (see link below). 

How well such attacks stick will become apparent soon enough. But the real reason for Stevens's impatient defensiveness may boil down to the basic disconnect that voters like Saline Indivisible organizer Naomi Ernst -- leading the fight against a data center in her township, that Whitmer actively promoted there -- already recognize:

"You see politicians promising to work for you, and then when it comes time to do something...nothing ever actually gets done, or they kind of go rogue like Whitmer has. If you look at what Dr. El-Sayed says about following the money, it makes perfect sense."

We think so, too.



<What's that old saying again?
"One picture is worth a thousand words...">

<iv.>
But let's set all this stuff aside, for one hot minute. One of the final ironies of today's Michigan primary is that El-Sayed's potential path towards a historic victory -- which would come in November, as Michigan's first Muslim Senator -- is also one being increasingly used as a cudgel to disqualify him. It's the centerpiece of Stevens's argument, after all, that she is the safer bet against Republican Mike Rogers.

On a certain level, El-Sayed's previous experience is slender, based on two stints as director of public health in Detroit (2015-17), and Wayne County (2023-25) -- offices that are worlds apart, Stevens argues, from the messier power dynamics of Washington, D.C., that she already inhabits as an incumbent in the U.S. House of Representatives.

But that argument is equally easy to turn around. One of Stevens's major talking points is her presence on the team credited with saving Michigan's auto industry in 2009. It's the same feel good ad where you'll see the clever editing used to suggest Obama's endorsement of her current Senate campaign -- and while there's no question that win was significant, it happened almost 20 years ago.

Though the auto rescue played out in an economic climate just as brutal as our current one, two questions are worth asking. What role did Stevens actually play? And how is her effort, such as it was, relevant in a climate of absurdly rampant levels of corruption, power abuses, and social inequity? If she's offered specifics on either point, we've yet to see them.

In contrast, wouldn't the Senate have benefited from the presence of someone like El-Sayed, when Obama crafted his signature achievement, the Affordable Care Act (ACA)? Surely someone involved in crafting actual public health policy could have improved on a finished product that jettisoned the oft-touted "public option," in favor of buying off the health insurance industry's cooperation.

But how  grand does that bargain look, now that Republicans in power have effectively gotten the repeal they narrowly achieved in 2017 -- simply because Obama's team failed to make the subsidies, on which its business model depended, a permanent proposition?

Various alibis have been raised to explain the oversight -- most of them beginning and ending with, "Those f#cking Republicans" -- but if you're caught in the same old, same old dispiriting shit sandwich that voters like 
Les Lukacs struggle to navigate every day, those alibis sound hollow, and unconvincing.

And, by implication, so do the endless repeated pleas of Schumer, Stevens, and all their enablers, in the Beltway, the public arena and the media, to wait just a little bit longer -- because, well, "help is coming, just around the corner." The only problem with this mantra is that learned helplessness -- or the constant reminders of it -- isn't a winning message in itself. The longer the stomach rumbles without an answer, the more likely the hungry voter is to tune out the message -- if not the messenger.

It's a malaise that felt painfully familiar to civil rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King, and forms the backbone of one of his most cogent, well-written essays, "Letter From A Birmingham Jail" (see link below), famous for its citation of the white moderate as the greatest roadblock to civil rights:

"We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was 'well timed' in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word 'Wait!' It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This 'Wait' has almost always meant 'Never.' We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that “justice too long delayed is justice denied.”

Time will tell, if El-Sayed wins, on the long-term question of his ultimate electoral appeal But if he wins tonight? Then let these words ring long, and loud, and true, in the ears of those to whom "Hear no evil, see no evil, speak no evil" comes all too naturally, and too readily -- because they are more relevant and urgent now than ever, and the real reason for his surge.

So, on this night of all nights -- let us hope that the money does not stifle the many. --The Reckoner


Links To Go (Hurry, Hurry, Before They Buy
What's Left Of Our Democracy Out From Under Us)

Bridge Michigan: Abdul El-Sayed
And Haley Stevens Make Final Push:
https://bridgemi.com/michigan-government/abdul-el-sayed-haley-stevens-make-final-push-in-fierce-michigan-senate-primary/

Bridge Michigan: Fact Check: 
Ads Take El-Sayed Out Of Context...:
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c62q0kkr6k2o

The Guardian: Will Missouri Be The Next Primary Win

Monday, May 11, 2026

Janet Mills Quits (Finally): Voters Sigh In Relief (And Tell Chuck To Butt Out): UPDATED (7/6/26)


<This image says it all...
Victoria Sunday/The Daily Beast/Getty Images)
>


Suggested Soundtracks:
"Nowhere Man" (The Beatles); "Don't Dictate" (Pentration)

<i.>
Last month, Maine's Democratic Governor Janet Mills finally bowed to the inevitable, and ended her sputtering vanity campaign for the seat held by her Republican counterpart, Susan Collins. Sticking to the script that politicos have been crafting since the 2000s, Mills announced she was "suspending" her campaign -- rather than quitting -- a distinction that won't impress 

The only noteworthy aspect is why Mills -- who blamed lack of financial resources -- stuck it out as long as she did, amid polls giving insurgent oyster farmer Graham Platner opening a 33-point lead in their forthcoming Democratic primary. Perhaps, like most of her fellow Boomer-era voters, Mills was praying for the Beatles to return -- with their dead counterparts, in Ed Sullivan-era black and white -- with a sprightly ode to slay the demons of rap, metal, or any new song recorded after 1980. 

I can almost hear the campaign theme ringing in my head, powered by those bouncy, yet raw, untrained, Please Please Me-era guitars: "Ooh, ooh, Janet, baby, you're the one for me/Vote for Janet, 'cause she always aims to please/Janet's my top choice, she always knows best/She stands heads and shoulders above all of the rest!"

Instead, Governor Mills will have settle for exiting on her shield to the strains of "Nowhere Man," the one who's always "making all his nowhere plans, for nobody," although she chalked up her decision to lack of resources. Even there, she lagged far behind, with a modest $2.6 million, versus the $4.0, 4.1, $4.6 or 4.8 million reported for Platner, depending on which source you believe (WBUR/Boston, Open Secrets, The New Republic, or Ken Klippenstein, respectively).

The news leaves Platner on a glide path towards nomination, though he obviously has much work to do between now and November. However, he seems up for the challenge, in contrast to Democratic party elders -- who remain stuck in a different era, and often give the appearance of being readier to die, than change. But we'll get to that point momentarily.


<A tad premature, as results bore out...
Janet Mills For Maine/YouTube capture>

<ii.>
So what qualified Janet Mills's campaign as a vanity effort? Simply put, the vanity of the man who recruited her (Democratic Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer), in defiance of common sense realities, starting with her age (78). While Ms. Mills showed noteworthy spine in standing up to Trump -- and, by most accounts, proved herself an effective and popular governor -- it's hard to reach any other conclusion.

After all, had Mills somehow gotten past Platner, and Collins, she would have become the oldest freshman Senator in our history. Is that the sort of history the Democratic Party should make? It would have cast her as yet another member of an entrenched American gerontocracy whose 79-year-old President, Donald Trump, is practically a spring chicken alongside Senators Charles Grassley (92), or Kentucky's dark gremlin, Mitch McConnell (84), who stepped down as Republican majority leader, but doggedly clings to his office, regardless. 

Actually, let's take that back. At 75, Schumer is probably the spring chicken of this particular story, but the basic point still stands. In any event, the only problem for Schumer -- and the donor class that he actually represents -- was Platner's ability to whip up a significant cyclone of energy around his candidacy, as Ken Klippenstein's brutal takedown of Mills's withdrawal announcement (see below) suggests.

If Platner amassed a 4-1 financial edge over Mills, it's because "people wanted him," Klippenstein asserts. End of story. Buying into Mills's "lack of funds" alibi amounts to "a verbal sleight of hand that makes it sound like a budgeting problem, like her campaign manager overdrew her checking account," he adds.

Not that Mills didn't try to find a workaround for her problems, though. When her initial attempts to take down Platner didn't work -- he's inexperienced, he's unelectable, he's weird, and so on -- Mills hit on a novel idea. If elected, she promised to serve only one term, hopefully easing concerns about sending yet another septuagenarian to a Congress that's bursting at the seams with them.

Which begs the question of why she was running at all, 
considering how long it will take America to recover from two Trump eras -- as even voters who expressed admiration for Mills, like baker Bev Chapman, told the New York Times (see link below): "'She’s been a great governor for Maine,' Ms. Chapman said, 'but new blood is needed and we need more progressives running who are not afraid to stand up to the current administration.'"

Of course, another (unspoken) reason for Mills's workaround not working any miracles is that it sounded just like the sort of pandering from veteran politicos, once they're cornered -- and don't see an obvious way out of the box canyon. But all the workarounds in the world can't save a candidacy that voters won't support, as Klippenstein notes:

"She would have been 86 at the end of her first term. Think about that. At a moment when even mainstream Democrats are beginning for generational change, the party's solution to flipping a must-win seat was a 78-year-old whose pitch was essentially 'I have been around a long time.'"


<"Oh, it's your treat this time?
Fine, I'll take you up on it. 
Just don't order me any oysters, thanks!"
(YouTube capture)>

<iii.>
In fairness to Schumer, not all of his Senate seat picks seem like total busts, as the Politico story (see link below) points out. Democrats seem reasonably happy so far with how Sherrod Brown, Roy Cooper and Mary Peltola are running in Ohio, North Carolina, and Alaska, respectively -- red states that must flip for the Democrats to retake the Senate this fall. Brown, in particular, is a marquee progressive -- something that Schumer's defenders cite as proof that he cares less about ideology than winning.

Michigan voters see something else afoot, however, in the Democratic establishment throwing its weight behind Haley Stevens -- a perennially chirpy, pantsuit-clad, ardent AIPAC disciple -- over progressives Abdul El-Sayed and Mallory McMorrow, in the Wolverine State's Senate primary (August 4). The situation has strong echoes of the Mills debacle, to the point of McMorrow warning that she won't support Schumer keeping his job if the Democrats retake the Senate:

“Let it play out,” McMorrow told POLITICO on Thursday evening. “This is a moment for Democrats, and I mean Democratic voters on the ground, to decide what party we want next. It is our turn. It is not the party’s turn anymore."

Other Democratic newcomers, like Illinois Lieutenant Governor Juliana Stratton -- the presumptive successor for its retiring incumbent Senator, Dick Durbin -- have voiced similar feelings; so did Platner, when he launched his upstart campaign to unseat Collins last summer. As Robert Reich notes on his Facebook page, voters remain angry and unforgiving with a system that's left so many so much worse off than ever: 

"That
 rebellion continues to this day. Yet much of Washington’s Democratic elite is still in denial. They prefer to attribute the rise of Trump and, more broadly, Trumpism — its political paranoia, xenophobia, white Christian nationalism, misogyny, homophobia, and cultural populism — solely to racism. Well, racism is certainly a part of it. But hardly all.

"In 2024, Democrats didn’t even get to choose their nominee from the primary process, since Biden dropped out after a dreadful debate performance and was replaced by Kamala Harris — leaving some Democrats feeling like higher powers were picking their nominee.

"The anti-establishment groundswell has by now spread to independent voters — who are now a whopping 45 percent of the electorate and have moved sharply against Trump. It’s one of the most dramatic shifts in recent political history."

To put it another way, whoever reads the room -- starting with those angry, disaffected independent voters -- will walk away with the keys to the kingdom, as Trump did, when he first got elected, in 2016. Bernie Sanders might have walked away with them, too, had the establishment not wrenched the nomination away from him -- a steal fueled by the mistaken impression of being able to coexist with wolves in sheep's clothing. Rest assured, it's not a mistake that progressives will -- nor should -- make in 2028.


<The attack ad that never ran: 
A preview of what awaits Platner this fall? 
Time will tell...
(National Senate Republican Committee,
YouTube capture>

<iv.>
The efforts to sink Platner share parallels with the campaign to take down Zohrani Mamdani, who became mayor of New York. Both races featured recycled faces (Andrew Cuomo, Janet Mills) caught flatfooted by insurgents who outworked and outhustled them. Both challengers attracted an avalanche of attack ads and negative press coverage, much of it generated by pundits who ignored or simply misread what was happening on the ground.

Much of that negative messaging focused on making Mamdani -- and now, Platner, or any progressive daring to follow in their footsteps -- seem like the offspring of Hitler, Manson, and Satan. The attack ad prepared for Mills (above) is a small sampling of just how far Republicans will go, since it's impossible to imagine such a mild-mannered figure as Mills causing nightmares for anyone (other than the donors who wrote her checks, and now experiencing a major case of buyer's remorse).

The whiff of Mills's desperation seemed obvious from the beginning, when her campaign unearthed ancient online posts as grist for attack ads against Platner -- specifically, "regarding his use of a slur for people with disabilities, and his comments on Reddit from more than a decade ago about Black people not tipping at restaurants and about sexual assault," as The Independent reports (see link below).

Yet Platner has weathered those storms, perhaps because people are weary of giving incumbents a free pass -- while their challengers must come across as lifetime Boy Scouts who only hang out with the likes of Donny Osmond, as they while away their days drinking milk, and listening to the Jungle Book soundtrack. 

The upstart generation has its flaws, "but I think there's an expectation by voters today that if you seem perfect, you're probably hiding something," as an anonymously quoted Democratic consultant mused to Politico. All that pearl clutching over a decade-old post seems downright absurd, when we look at the tramping of democracy, nonstop grifting, and maximalist power abuses that characterize the Trump regime.

Obviously, Platner won't enjoy the same commanding financial advantage against the overstuffed Collins, who -- unlike Mills -- can count on an avalanche of dark money to bail her out of a jam. All the same, she offers a perfectly doable pickoff -- if Platner does his job correctly, by demolishing her artfully woven facade of "concerned" moderation.

It's an act that Status Quo Susan, as we'll call her, has honed to perfection over her five-term Senate career. We know the routine well, which typically kick-starts with some tricky issue or other. Status Quo Susan will furrow her brow, purse her lips, hemming and hawing through her latest non-answer -- amid noises of however "alarmed," "concerned," "disturbed," or "troubled" she claims to feel about it -- before she finally votes as her tribe expects, and demands.

It's a routine that sometimes stretches to Hamlet-style proportions, as Collins demonstrated during the Brett Kavanaugh debacle -- where commentators made much of her studious note-taking during the explosive confirmation hearings, amid allegations of serious sexual predation against him. In the end, Status Quo Susan joined Vichy Democrat Joe Manchin to ease Kavanaugh over the finish line, 50-48 -- a spectacle that caused some wags to question the scrupulousness of her note-taking.

Again, which of these capsule summaries feels more worrying? A decade-old Reddit post that may or may not reflect its author's current mindset, or the latest chameleonic shift of a career politician who hasn't held a traditional town hall meeting with her constituents since the Clinton era -- over 25 years ago? (Platner, in contrast, has already 61 town halls.) If that isn't entrenched arrogance, what is?

It's the reason, presumably, why Amanda Litman, co-founder of Run For Something, tells the Independent: 
“People are hungry for change — the institutions that got us to this point cannot be the ones to get us out of it.” Indeed, and so noted.

This, more than anything, is the type of circle that voters -- particularly Democratic ones -- are beyond tired of squaring, as Klippenstein asserts: "People are fed up with an establishment that doesn't listen, that tells them everything is under control, even as it drives the country into a ditch. So they're taking the keys away."

Democrats would do well to consider taking those same keys away from Schumer -- and his equally tepid passive-aggressive counterpart, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries -- if they retake one or both houses of Congress this fall. It may not the outcome that either of them prefers, but it's what their base demands, and their party deserves -- to say nothing of a country that's crying out, loudly and clearly, for something else. --The Reckoner 


Links To Go (Hurry, Hurry, Herd
Those Gerontocrats Right To The Exits):

Ken Klippenstein:
Voters Take Keys Away 
From Elderly Politician:

New York Times:
For Many In Maine, No Tears Over Mills's Exit...:

https://archive.ph/r1MfD

Politico:
Schumer Faces Renewed Scrutiny After Mills Meltdown
:
https://www.politico.com/news/2026/04/30/chuck-schumer-janet-mills-meltdown-2026-00902217

The Independent: Step Off, Chuck!:
https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/us-politics/schumer-senate-democratic-primaries-mills-b2969045.html



UPDATE (7/5/26): This race has turned upside down yet again, in light of shocking rape allegations against Platner by Jenny Racicot, a 41-year-old Mainer who dated him five years ago. She accuses him of sexual assault, a charge that the Democratic vehemently denies, of course.

The resulting fallout has led to a freefall in Platner's poll numbers (see link below), and prompted him to "pause" his campaign, so he can "reflect on the best way forward," he said.

Right now, that seems hard to imagine, as prominent backers like Senator Ruben Gallego (D-AZ) and California Congressman Ro Khanna have yanked their endorsements, along one of Platner's major progressive backers, Elizabeth Warren. 
Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, the face of Presidential progressivism in 2016 and 2024 -- whose words may prove decisive, if he joins them -- has yet to weigh in.

All our sympathies go out to Ms. Racicot, whose allegations stand in a league of their own, from other accusations of unsavory behavior made against Platner. (Still, all our sympathies to them, too.)

Time will how these developments play out, though it's difficult to imagine how a replacement candidate can regain the ground of unseating one of the Senate's most notorious shape-shifters -- and that point still stands, along with our concerns that we've raised about the Democratic establishment's selection process.

We believe that Democratic gubernatorial nominee Hannah Pingree -- who's also called for Platner to quit the race, in a statement cited by the New York Times, has it just about right: "Platner tapped into something real — voters hungry for change showed up with real passion and energy. That energy doesn’t have to go away. It needs a new candidate to carry it forward.”

We'll just have to see who gets another bite at that particular apple:

Axios: Schumer Joins Calls For Platner's Withdrawal:
https://www.axios.com/2026/07/06/graham-platner-maine-senate-democrats

Thursday, April 9, 2020

Who Decides, Who Decides?: Exit Bernie (Now Is Not The Time To Let Up)


"You are what you settle for."
<Janis Joplin>

<i.>
Let's be honest. It was always going to be a heavy lift. But it was an exhilarating run while it lasted, I learned a lot from it, and I don't feel like letting up.

That's how I feel about Bernie Sanders's exit from the presidential race on Tuesday, giving the Democratic Party establishment what it's wished for since 2016, when he first turned up to crash the party.

You can almost feel the high fiving and football spiking going on right now, all across America's boardrooms: Yeeeaaahhh! We sure showed him, didn't we? Waaa-hooo! Free college, my ass! Medicare For All, my ass! Wealth tax, my ass! The rumpled Anti-Christ from Vermont has finally, irrevocably and unalterably been put in his place.

That's the tone of pieces like the one I found on The Conversation, whose headline reads, "Bernie Drops Out, As Democrats Pick Pragmatism Over Consistency." The author happens to be an assistant adjunct professor at Colorado University, a credit reeking of irony. If somebody like this -- who apparently never won the tenure lottery -- can accept such an outcome, and by definition, the very system that keeps him at the bottom of the academic ladder, it's game over for everybody else. Telling me to head straight to the last Kubler-Ross stage (acceptance) doesn't fill me with confidence.

All's right again with the world, which is now safe for Word Salad Joe to continue with his quirky mangling of the English language.

Progressive sentiment be damned. Time to grit our teeth, as they hand us back the keys to our jail cells, and prepare to herd us into line once more, returning us to the same old, same old unforgiving muddle that's  frozen America in place for 30-odd years. Dreaming big is out; resigned exhaustion is back in. There's a pandemic raging, so what else do you expect, right? Judging by what I see on Facebook, though, more than a few folks are still expecting quite a lot. 

Reactions to Tuesday's announcement range from outright disgust ("RIP, United States," "Something is wrong"), to impatience with their fellow man's foibles ("we had a viable 'third party' candidate and fear of the word 'socialism' scared people off"), to hopes of building on the energy he let loose, as the Sunrise Movement sees it ("He inspired us to become the political revolution we had been waiting for"). 


<3D Paint Artwork: The Reckoner
Lyrics: Public Enemy ("Fight The Power")

<ii.>
If you're looking for a postmortem examination, this isn't the time or place.  Am I going to swallow hard, and vote for Biden this fall? Honestly, I don't have a clue, because I wasn't necessarily expecting to entertain the question.

It does help that Biden's pledged to pick a female running mate -- presumably to ease the pain of women voters who watched six of their own get chased out of this year's race. Maybe if he picks a progressive woman for Vice President, it'll seal the deal? Maybe. We'll see.

Progressives had other ideas, I suspect, after Biden's barrel scraping, cellar dwelling finishes in Iowa and New Hampshire. For a brief moment -- a maddeningly fleeting one, just like in 2016 -- our biggest dream finally seemed possible.
Hey, Bernie might really win this thing! The stars might actually fall into alignment this time!

That's not what we got. Still, I'll always relish the panic that a potential Sanders nomination aroused among pillars of the Democratic establishment, like James Carville -- the same guy who's spent 30 years dining out on that expression, "It's the economy, stupid" -- and talking heads like Chris Matthews, who infamously equated the Jewish Vermonter's initial rise with Nazi Germany's military defeat of France in 1940. 

So what went sideways for Bernie this time? I'm sure a mini-cottage industry of books will spring up to dissect that question, but I'll save that autopsy for a different day. The only thing I'd really fault him for, honestly, was sticking by his well-documented unwillingness to air his private life more openly, which he did -- briefly, around the beginning of 2019 -- only to drop it like a stone.

Most people have long forgotten that episode, I'm sure, but it fascinated me. In some ways, Bernie's pre-fame, pre-political life reads like a Marvel Comics origin story. His mother died a renter while he was still young. She never lived to achieve her dreams of owning a home. I have no doubt that this loss, and the trauma surrounding it, cast the die for the path that Bernie would follow, from civil rights campaigner, to struggling writer and businessman, to third party insurgent upstart, and beyond. 

Should have he talked more about his childhood and early adult life, and how it shaped him, on the campaign trail? Would it have immunized him, at least somewhat, from potential red-baiting onslaughts, or helped voters relate to him better, especially the doubters?

Well, he didn't do it, so we'll never know. But it's another snapshot that tempts me to think beyond what is, and what might have been.


<3D Paint Artwork: The Reckoner
Lyrics: Public Enemy ("Fight The Power")

<iii.>

Coronavirus changed everything, of course. With so much widespread suffering and dying, it would have looked odd for Bernie to continue exhorting his micro-donor army to pledge money, and keep him in the fight. Naturally, he didn't do that, deftly redirecting the focus to fundraising for the crisis, and the various charities associated with it. 

As a donor, I appreciated knowing about them, such as the Rent Zero Tenant Organizing Fund, or the Restaurant Worker Disaster Relief Fund, for example. As a creative person, I especially donating to the Craft Emergency Relief Fund, an organization that advocates for artists. 

I'll continue giving to them when I can, because art -- and the impulse of making it -- is what keeps us human, even as the tech industry would have us become navel gazing zombie goldfish. People don't think about these things until they're threatened, but that's just good old human nature for you, isn't it?

The pandemic also killed the massive, festive rallies that provided the Sanders campaign's enduring visual signature. Virtual campaigning will never substitute for getting up close and personal with potential supporters, as Biden's awkward broadcasts from his Delaware home have already demonstrated. (Then again, Trump can't hold his massive Nuremberg-style rallies, so I guess that balances out the equation in some perverse way, I guess.)

If nothing else, however, the pandemic has brutally exposed the shortcomings of the system that's still taking millions of Americans for a ride. We live in the 21st Century, but it looks and smells more like the 19th Century: Insecurity with an app. All the shiny digital imagery and feelgood techspeak about "sharing" can't paper over those particular cracks.

The crisis also poked a hole in Trump's long-anticipated plan to coast on how well the rich are doing, as his well-documented obsession with the stock market suggests. For those at the top, it's always morning in America. For those who aren't, the mood is closer to twilight, with one missed paycheck or job loss away from total disaster.

The mainstream media's reaction to Bernie's exist has been oddly measured, and downright respectful, as this nugget from yesterday's New York Times editorial ("Bernie Sanders Was Right") suggests:


"He was right from the very beginning, when he advocated a total overhaul of the American health care system in the 1970s. 

"He remains right now, as a pandemic stresses the meager resources of millions of citizens to their breaking point, and possibly to their death. 

"He was right when he seemed to be the only alarmist in a political climate of complacency. 

"He is right now that he’s the only politician unsurprised to see drug companies profiteering from a lethal plague with Congress’s help. In politics, as in life, being right isn’t necessarily rewarded. But at least there’s some dignity in it."



<3D Paint Artwork: The Reckoner
Lyrics: Public Enemy ("Fight The Power")

<iv.>
Reading those words feels a little bit odd to me, because The New York Times -- and also, the Jeff Bezos-owned Washington Post -- ranked high among the complaints about how the mainstream media covered him. I'd throw in other suspects like CNBC, that hosted the now-discredited Matthews' infamous on-air meltdown.

Much of their coverage felt dismissive, jeering and patronizing, and I have no doubt the steady drumbeat of fear that they worked to arouse ("Don't vote your heart, vote your head instead/Or you'll get Trump, you'll get Trump, you'll get Trump") left its mark. This is understandable, from a historical perspective. If you beat down people long enough, they'll stop demanding, stop marching, and stop trying to hold the same empty suits who play sneaky panther power games with their lives accountable for the slow, steady erosion of those lives. 

It's a trend that picked up steam during the 1980s, when the Democratic Party rolled its eyes, shrugged its shoulders, and began forsaking its core base of blue collar, minority and poorer voters to pursue the same Big Money Chase that the Republicans already down to a science. So what's a progressive to do, exactly?

We must continue casting ballots for Bernie, who remains on the ballot nationwide. If nothing else, it'll enable Bernie to keep amassing delegates, exert an influence on the Democratic Party platform, and remind Team Biden of our energy and strength that he'll need to lift him over the finish line.

We must continue organizing around issues that matter, whether it's canceling student debt, or rent freezes, for example. Why can't we get the same national pause that Denmark gave its citizens? Sure, it's a smaller country, but people who've lost all their income shouldn't foot the bill for those who haven't, full stop.

We must continue making our case against the institutions that don't serve our interests, by any means necessary, as that shopworn saying goes -- whether that happens online, or on-air calls, op-ed pieces, and similar mediums. We shouldn't stop pointing out the absurdities of tying health insurance to employment essentially an historical accident of the post-World War II era -- or the overweening authoritarianism of the gig economy ("Hey, we're giving you opportunities to drive"), or the posturing of media outlets that cater to an established order that's never known the constant insecurity and turmoil that haunts young people today.

We must continue keeping our arguments simple, when we do make them. This ability to express complex ideas in a sentence or two proved one of the biggest assets that Bernie -- and his counterpart, Elizabeth Warren -- brought to their campaigns. The fog of nuance ("I voted for the $87 billion before I voted against it"; "Abortion should be safe, rare and legal") is no substitute for a simple message that gets people to think bigger: A job shouldn't leave you in poverty. Serious issues deserve serious discussion. You shouldn't have to choose between food or medicine.

We must continue to cultivate the deep bench, if we're serious about building a progressive movement that will outlast the man who helped to launch it. As forcefully as he came across on the campaign trail, Bernie's advanced age (78) likely threw up more roadblocks for voters who already doubted his ability to pass his agenda. In a country whose senior leadership is all over 75, it's imperative that the next generation gets a chance to make its influence felt, and its voice heard. 

I leave you with these words from that same New York Times editorial:


"One freedom 
that cannot be taken from you 
is your freedom
 not to like the status quo —
your freedom to be angry, disaffected, unimpressed,
your refusal to be cajoled, soothed or consoled with small tokens of influence 
devoid of real power.

"Mr. Sanders, ill tempered
 and impatient with pleasantries, 
embodied that freedom, 
and he offered it to you."

The last sentence irks me -- isn't the constant demand for pleasantries what's bogged us down in the first place?  But the rest of it is well taken. We have the blueprint, we have the energy, and we have the technology to gain so much more than the system seems willing to allow us. We owe ourselves nothing less. Now is not the time to let up--The Reckoner

Monday, March 2, 2020

Who Decides, Who Decides?: Stockholm Syndrome, South Carolina Style


Stockholm Syndrome.
Noun.Feelings of trust 
or affection felt 
in many cases 
of kidnapping 
or hostage-taking
by a victim or a captor.

<i.>
Everything, finally, seemed to roll Joe Biden's way this weekend. After several less than stellar showings, he finally got the primary win that he needed Saturday in South Carolina, with 256,047 votes, or 48.4%, to 105.197 (19.9%) for his insurgent rival, Bernie Sanders. He definitely got the delegates he needed (35, to 13 for Sanders, with zero for the remaining also rans), plus the endorsements, notably longtime Congressman Jim Clyburn, that arch avatar of Democratic and black political establishment thinking, which seemed enough to seal the deal for voters -- particularly the over-45 crowd, who have kept Biden's flagging campaign afloat.

Fellow also-rans Tom Steyer and Pete Buttigeig, who finished third and fourth, with 11.2% and 8.7%, respectively, got the message, dropping out within a day of each other. Steyer left his Presdential vanity project after burning through $253 million, with no delegates and no wins. (Jeb Bush can rest easy now, after lighting up $130 million during his equally calamitous binge and purge campaign for the GOP presidential nomination in 2016: "See? I'm not the only guy who tanked in three states.") 

The bell also tolled today for Plucky Amy Klobuchar, as I've called her, who ended her campaign, after called off her off quixotic run, after finishing sixth in South Carolina, with 3.2% of the vote. When your bronze medal finish is your high point -- as it played out in New Hampshire -- there's not much to say, is there? She never polled well anywhere, but that didn't stop the establishment and its pundit allies from constantly trotting her out as a more "adult" alternative to its rumpled Antichrist, Bernie Sanders.

Buttigeig, of course, never really got off the ground after his Iowa showing, where he held Bernie Sanders to a draw. As I've been pointing out for awhile now, Mayor Pete's currying of Democratic establishment favor -- starting with the 40 billionaires and spouses funding him -- puts him slightly at odds with younger, more progressive voters hungering for something beyond minor incremental changes to a society that's never seemed more unequal and one-sided. 

There's a silver lining, though. I won't have to dedicate an entry in this series to Mayor Pete. He triangulates more than my high school math teacher ever did, which is enough to keep him off my shortlist...but we haven't heard the last of him, I suspect. Ditto for Plucky Amy, who's expected to join Mayor Pete in endorsing Biden. Surprise, surprise. For a moment there, I thought they'd do something original, like form the Third Way Party, or something along those lines. But that's way too creative for them, isn't it?

Billionaire Mike (or maybe we'll call him Mega Mike) -- Bloomberg, that is -- will probably stick around a bit longer, since he can spend way more on his Presidential vanity project. And, given all the resources -- monetary, and material -- that he muster, I suspect he won't step aside because someone asks. He'll do that on his own time, and his own terms, I'm sure.



<ii.>
But there's an even stranger takeaway from South Carolina, one that the commentariat seems to have missed or ducked entirely. South Carolina boasts the nation's second highest medical debt ratio, at 38.2%, with a median amount of $787 per resident, according to a story on Yahoo News. That figure, in turn, comes from a 2017 report by the Urban Institute, which is worth a quick skim, at least.

If you do skim the report, you'll find that eight of the 10 states with the highest medical debt ratios are in the South (Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Mississippi, South Carolina, Kentucky, Oklahoma, and West Virginia). Two are in the Midwest (Indiana, Missouri). "Overall, state past-due medical debt rates correlate strongly with state uninsured rates," the report notes. Man bites dog stuff, right?

Yet residents have little recourse, short of electing a more responsive state legislature, or sympathetic Governor, which are both scarce commodities in South Carolina. Nor does the Palmetto State allow the referendums that have worked in idaho, Nebraska, and Utah -- states that have expanded Medicaid, versus those that spitefully refused...like, ahem, South Carolina.

This quote in the Yahoo News story, from a business owner who pays $800 a month for her insurance, and planned to vote for Sanders, gives a vivid glimpse of the desperation and frustration that's often on display with our healthcare system:

"I just went to the doctor yesterday for a checkup and had to pay $100 just to be seen, and I still have to pay for the labs. When I go in, it's always at least $350, and it's that much for my kids. At a certain point, it's like, 'Why am I paying for this?'"



"Yer wallet's lookin' a tad battered lately..."
<Photo, wallet & tape: The Reckoner>


<iii.>
Apparently, such factors didn't prevent African-Americans, in particular, from turning out big time for Biden -- who played a key role, let's not forget, in ramming through The Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention And Consumer Protection Act in 2005, which made it harder to file, and harder still, to get out of debt. Biden took an active role in passing it. 

Like most legislative concoctions of its type, BAPCPA is cruelly misnamed, since medical debit is the biggest driver of bankruptcy in America. The law also makes no provision for student loan debt, something Biden also worked to keep out of the final bill -- which marked the first time he butted heads with fellow candidate Elizabeth Warren, whose own warnings went unheeded, and unheard (though they've largely played out).


It's not a stretch, then, to say that Joe Biden played some major part in making life worse for millions. Yet that didn't prevent people from handing him the victory, and leaving Warren in fifth place (7.1%). It all looks like a case of Stockholm Syndrome, at its most extreme -- but anything to exorcise the demon of Trump, right? 


The guy who did the big interests' bidding can fight another day for the promotion he so desperately craves, while the woman who opposed him is slowly being chased out of the race. Never mind the Yahoo News headline. Evidently, South Carolina voters weren't swayed enough. This is our system, in all its grubby, banal, awful glory.


What does this say about us, and where does it leave us? Two thoughts spring to mind, one from the Grateful Dead ("
One way or another, this darkness got to give"), and the other from Crass: "They'll use you as a target for demands and for advice/When you don't want to hear it, they'll say you're full of vice" ("Do They Owe Us A Living"). Either way, we're hardly in a great place. --The Reckoner



Yahoo News:
With No Insurance And Deep Medical Debt,
South Carolina Voters Swayed By Health Care: