Sunday, July 27, 2025

Mad King Watch (Take IX): Good Trouble Lives On (Scenes From Our Protest)

 

<We improved on 
the Alitos' version 
of the distress flag... :-)/The Reckoner> 

<i.>
I'd never been to a weekday protest before, though I figured the vibe was bound to feel different. There's a reason why Loverboy sang, "Everybody's workin' for the weekend," though nowadays, not even that ritual seems like a given anymore for Americans, laboring for longer and less money than ever, thanks to four decades of feeding the rich, the military, and the donor classes.

Still, having missed the last couple of events -- like the doings on July 4th (above) -- and thought it important to show up myself, in some fashion. Still, I had a dilemma of my own: how to juggle my load? As I've often chronicled here, working for yourself doesn't mean that you lay in a hammock, waiting for all that "mailbox money" to land, smack dab on your doormat. 

That's what late night hucksters have you believe, but I guarantee: if you don't dream up something to generate that kind of money, you won't be laying down anywhere for long. Not with an empty belly, and an empty bankbook. And, while I'd gotten a pleasant surprise on my brake job -- about $250-plus, being a brake leak, not a master cylinder issue -- I needed to generate money for next week.

Well, I could do some transcription work, which wouldn't pay till early next week. However, with groceries and medicine likely to eat up my $250 savings, I'd probably need to drum up some money for the weekend, too. OK, I'm thinking, I've got the basic pieces of a drumkit, some T-shirts that long ago stopped fitting me, and an array of Prince bootlegs. Our friendly neighborhood record store could use that!

Mind you, working all this up would take some time, and our local Good Trouble Lives On event had been structured as a two-hour rally. Having already put in a ton of hours, scratching up all this additional money, I didn't feel sure that I could hit that long -- so what to do? 

Right, then. Make it mobile, I thought. Bring a sign that I could hold up in the window, with one hand, driving with the other. Oh, and make a sign of my own, which I duly whipped up: "NO KINGS: 1976 - 2025," with an image of a red circle running through a crown. Short, simple, and to the point, drawn with black, red and blue Sharpies, scratched out on a cardboard box flap.


<ii.>
I decided to make up 13 trips, up and down Main Street. One trip for each for the 13 colonies, in keeping with our colonial theme, where I could count on seeing a fair number of protesters. Who knows, I'm thinking, maybe I'll see a friendly face or two that I know. With temps running in the mid-80-plus range, the Squawker stayed home -- when you've got breathing issues, you don't push the pedal to the floor.

So off I go, armed with my humble cardboard effort, and one of Squawker's creations ("Trump Has Betrayed The Working Class & The Poor!"), and I begin zipping up and down Main Street. It doesn't take long for my signs to attract attention. I start to hear a shout or two, which starts to get louder: "Roll down your window, so we can see it!"

I duly hit the power button, and take turns holding both signs, as long as the light glows red. I can't resist the snarky remark, as I'm brandishing Squawker's sign: "See this? It's from Trump 1.0! And I didn't have to change a word!"

A graying gentleman with a goatee shoves his sign, whose sentiments don't seem too far removed from Squawker's sign: "See this one? That's from Trump 1.0! And I didn't have to change a word!" 

"Need we say more?" I laugh. "Tells you what you need to know!" Just then, the light turns red, and off I shoot, ready to turn around, and circle back again.



<Next round/Coming to a town near you: Saturday, August 2>


<iii.>
I count about a couple dozen people, thronging on both sides of the street. Obviously, if we were doing this on Saturday, you'd have those four or five blocks packed, wall to wall with people. But even though the proceedings started around six o'clock, who knows how many are still working late? Or can't snag the time off?

No matter. Everyone seems well engaged, though with fewer chants ("This is what democracy looks like!") than you might hear on a weekend protest. Tonight is a lower-key occasion, after all, though the commitment behind them isn't hard to miss. There's not a Trump supporter in sight, which is more likely on a weekend, as well.

Eventually, it's time for my last run, and head back home, to the editorial salt mines -- well, and the memorabilia ones, too, since I have to get that stuff ready, too. I roll down my window once more: "I'm really sorry, but it's time to head out. Gotta get back to work, if I'm gonna make a buck."

A fortyish Black woman reassures me, "Hey, that's all right. At least you were here. you showed up, you did something."

"Yeah, I suppose..." I sneak a look at the light, which is still flashing red. "Well, that is the point, isn't it?"

"Yes, it is!"

Just then, the light turns green, and off I go, ready to hunker down for the next day and a half, so I can put my plans in motion. 

Time will tell where this energy takes us, though it's worth remembering that the Democratic Party's overall rating is worse than Trump's. I suspect that the Democratic National Committee's goals of its long-threatened 2024 postmortem might not tick up the old confidence matter.

Why I do say that? Well, three topics are off the table, it seems -- whether Biden should have run for re-election, or quit the race sooner, and if Kamala Harris made the best alternative to replace him.

I don't know about you, but all I can say, when any established group insists on saying, "Nothing to see here, folks, time to move on," you may well hear a UFO -- as in, Unanimous Fierce Outcry -- to the contrary. And as any comedian will tell you, those who don't read the room can only sigh with the pain of hindsight -- once the paying customers start heading for the exits. --The Reckoner




Friday, July 4, 2025

Mad King Watch (Take VIII): A Republic -- If You Can Still Recognize It




<i.>
As any reader knows, our annual Fourth Of July message is something of a signature tradition here. However, America's official birthday party has grown more complicated and challenging to celebrate, in light of current events. That's the major takeaway for me, as I comb through five years of these messages, searching for a suitable headline. 

We start with the A-bomb impact of COVID-19 in 2020 ("Is This A Wake, Or What?"), and 2021 ("The Long Arc Bends Towards Justice? Suuure..."), followed by the horrors of the Dobbs decision in 2022 ("The Roe Bombshell Drops") and 2023 ("O Beautiful For Spacious Skies [Say What?]"), and the train wreck called 2024, when the Extreme Court wove immunity rights out of thin air, for the benefit of Donald Trump, who'd appointed three of them ("A Republic, If You Can Keep It...But For How Long?").

But, just when you thought things couldn't get worse -- they do. Now that Congress has dutifully done what the Republican Party's Dear Leader demanded of them, the so-called Big Beautiful Bill's passage reminds me of a joke from an aborted Monty Python script intended to follow up the troupe's final film, The Meaning Of Life.

I'm working from memory here, but this moment is documented, and I have read about it. Apparently, one of the Pythons wrote a skit about 19th century explorers trussed up together in a cooking pot. However, in true stiff upper lip tradition, the commanding officer refuses to allow any expression of emotion, even as the heat simmers to a slow boil, and they begin writing around in agony. 

Finally, one of the group's members dares to venture a suggestion to his leader: 

"Sir! I really believe it would lift the men's spirits, if only they were given permission to panic!"

Alas, the Pythons abandoned the sketch, which would likely have redeemed Meaning Of Life a notch or two. Or jump-started a better film, perhaps. But if you need to vent your alarm -- by all means, feel free. Certainly, the frequent lack of alarm to Trump's latest whimsy has proven one of his defining characteristics, ever since he stepped down that escalator a decade ago, and set about throttling our democracy, and our discourse.

<A laser stare that fooled 
absolutely no one -- but herself, perhaps...

<ii.>
In the end, the horses never left the barn. The House Freedom Caucus indulged its usual performative antics, as Trump's Big Beautiful Bill -- or Big Ugly Mess, as we call it here -- inched towards final passage. Texan Chip Roy, who continually blistered the Senate version of his cohorts' handiwork, fell into line without a peep. Outgoing Nebraskan centrist Don Bacon -- who announced his retirement by saying, "I don't want to be the guy who follows the flute player off the cliff" -- cast his vote to do, well, exactly that. 

Derrick Van Orden let the mask fall with a clang and a thud, as he thundered at a reporter who dared to question him: “The President of the United States didn’t give us an assignment. We’re not a bunch of little bitches around here, okay? I'm a member of Congress. I represent almost 800,000 Wisconsites."

How Van Orden's constituents judge his vote -- which will decimate his state's rural hospital system, to the tune of an estimated $607 million -- remains to be seen, since pain and suffering doesn't respond to command and control orders. No matter, though, as even so-called moderates representing districts with significant Medicaid populations -- like those of Californian David Valadao, where 67 percent of his residents depend on the program -- also went quietly into that good night, and went along with the charade, too.

Others took a more circuitous route, like Missourian Josh Hawley, who'd argued in May that implementing historic levels of Medicaid cuts would be "morally wrong and politically suicidal." He even wrote a New York Times op-ed along those same lines. But bit by bit, he came around, embracing the need for work requirements, and promises of a $50 billion fund, to prop up the rural hospitals he claimed to be so angst-stricken about.

But when historians revisit this infamous episode, they will undoubtedly cast Alaska's Lisa Murkowski as the most abject collaborator of the bunch. The woman who played such a major role in spiking her party's 2017 attempted Affordable Care Act repeal sold out her state's most vulnerable residents for a handful of "polar payoffs," such as special concessions for whaling captains. In the end, the Senate's cheapest date went along, all for the mere cost of deducting a harpoon (which costs $10,000, so I've read).

Murkowski's fumbled responses also unmask her as every bit as narcissistic as her counterparts. Her self-defense is all about herself, whether it's her own dropped mask moment ("We're all afraid"), to feigned frustration ("Do I like this bill? No"), and performative concern ("I struggled mightily with the impact on the most vulnerable in this country"). But she will learn, the hard way, what happens to collaborators. History is not kind to them. Just ask Lord Haw-Haw, or Benedict Arnold.


<Republican Empathy 101...>

<iii.>
The Big Ugly Mess contains enough triggering mechanisms to stoke panic at off-the-charts levels. Start with the financials, which permanently enshrine the last round of budget-busting tax cuts for billionaires that Republicans jammed through in 2017. The world's least mobile and least equal society will not get any kinder, any time soon.

Conditions are now also firmly in place for a full-on police state, with the roundly reviled Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency due for $175 billion. The biggest chunks will go toward Trump's border wall obsession ($47 billion), along with a massive network of new detention centers ($45 billion), and a tripling of ICE's enforcement budget ($30 billion). Thanks to all this splurging, ICE will become the nation's largest federal police agency, which doesn't bode well for anyone who isn't white, basically.

This expanded punishment apparatus is made possible by shredding the social safety net, starting with $186 billion in food assistance cuts -- which will affect an estimated 2.9 million Americans, and cut at least 140,000 jobs in food processing facilities, farms, grocery stores, and school cafeterias. Of course, don't forget nearly $1 trillion in Affordable Care Act and Medicaid cuts -- the largest in our nation's history -- that will cause 16 million to lose health coverage. (For a full tally of the resulting social wreckage, see our last post, "Mad King Watch (Take VII).")

Contrast those impressions with the fruits of ICE's poisoned harvest. The US already holds 56,000 people in immigrant detention, which would explode to 116,000, assuming that whole $45 billion gets spent. That figure, by the way, equals the number of Japanese Americans interned against their will during World War II. Could someone have plucked it out of the phone book?

That's hard to believe, especially when you consider how much weight this regime places on quotas and statistics. The coincidences are simply too close to ignore. It's equally hard to imagine wayward migrants alone, real or imagined, occupying those 116,000 beds. As a commenter I saw on Facebook noted, "He's not asking for $45 billion for nothing."

Needless to say, the inner bully in Trump -- and, indeed, the sycophantic thugs who surround him -- is giddy about these developments, as illustrated by his recent visit to the concentration camp he plans on building in the Florida Everglades ("Well, I think would like to see them in many states. Really, many states. And, you know, at some point, they might morph into a system"). 

Variously dubbed "Alligator Alcatraz," "Alligator Auschwitz," or "Disneyland Dachau," the unfortunates deposited there will end up having to endure sweltering temperatures in tents, crammed shoulder to shoulder. They may even be "asked" to work the land for free, Trump has mused, to earn their way back into society. 
It's a concept designed to exact maximum suffering, in an ironic echo of the "FEMA concentration camp" conspiracy theories that Republicans routinely aired during the Obama era.

Of course, if Republicans had a sense of irony, they'd hardly be doing the batshit stuff they're doing -- though, as usual, Vice President JD Vance said the quiet part, loudly and proudly, on X: 
“Everything else—the CBO score, the proper baseline, the minutiae of the Medicaid policy—is immaterial compared to the ICE money and immigration enforcement provisions.”

Critics have rightfully denounced the tone of Vance's comment, even as they miss the subtler point he's making -- that cranking up the national GDP matters less than the mechanics of raw power and revenge. Much, much less. The world's most hyper-militarized society, one that already locks up more of its inhabitants than any other nation, is adding another yet layer to its sprawling prison industrial complex. 

Or, to put it another way, in just over a decade, we've fallen from gauzy, made-for-TV images of "hope and change," to a retaliatory state driven by the impulses of an aggrieved minority and its unhinged, self-dealing cult leader. Is this how our long-running democratic experiment ends, after nearly 250 years? Never has the dream felt so gaudy and cheap, so hollow and empty, so broken and betrayed. 



<iv.>
Amidst all this onslaught of gloom and doom, it's fair to ask, "Heard any good news lately?" Or, as someone on Facebook asked me, during a lengthy discussion of our current malaise, "What do you personally feel we can do to restore our freedom?" With that challenge laid out, I'll offer some relevant suggestions. as I did there.

Start with the simple math of the 2024 election -- in which "Mr. 47 Percent," as I nicknamed Trump in 2016, modestly improved his overall standing to become "Mr. 49 Percent." Like it or not, he remains a plurality winner, whose constant trampling of democratic norms points to great weakness, not strength. Without them, would he even be in the game? 

Pick a poll, any poll, and you'll find more and more Americans remembering just why they disliked Trump so much in the first place. This development hardly seems fated to improve once the Big Ugly Mess begins to bite, and people start losing the services they took for granted.

What's more, Trump does not enjoy the same level of popular support as the strongmen he so fervently admires -- that rocketed Nayeb Bukele to power in El Salvador, and has enabled Recep Tayyip Erdogan to freeze-dry Turkish politics since the early 2000s. If the Trumpian endgame is a police state, it's hard to imagine half the country sitting idly, and just allowing it to happen, unchecked and undisturbed.

Another glimmer of hope lies in Zohran Mamdani's surprise win last month in New York City's mayoral primary. Well, it may have surprised the neoliberals, but not anyone truly paying attention. The self-dtyle "democratic socialist" won by a roughly eight-point margin, despite a $25 million negative ad barrage from the eventual loser, former Governor Mario Cuomo -- whose campaign seemed simply another means of continuing a lackluster career dogged by persistent allegations of sexual predation, among other failings.

While it remains to be seen how widely the Mamdani model translates, there's no question that his organizing skills -- coupled with smart campaigning, and a simple, unadorned speaking style -- carried the day. People are tired of the political classes reminding them of what they can't have, and why they can't deliver it. But it's not just the consulting classes nor the overdogs who are losing their minds.

That Trump and his goons are already dropping the D-words -- as in, denaturalization, and deportation -- speaks volumes of the threats they feel. What if other cities elect similar leaders who stand and fight, instead of just meekly leaving the building, as so many Republicans have done, since Trump's ill-gotten ascent? That question keeps them awake at night, I'm sure.

Mamdani's win -- yet again -- also exposed the glaring generational gap within the Democratic Party. That situation can only be remedied by its current leaders handing over the baton, instead of clinging indefinitely to power, like the President they claim to despise. There are any number of younger faces meeting the moment, who shouldn't be left sitting on the bench any longer.

It's downright surreal when someone like AOC can't get a leadership position, while six of 12 Democratic incumbents have died in office -- including Gerry Connolly, a mere five months after he leapfrogged her to become the House Oversight Committee's ranking member. Or consider the narcissistic refrain ("Nobody but me," "Who else but me?") that prompted the likes of Joe Biden and Ruth Bader Ginsberg to stay, long past their presumptive sell-by dates. Who defends their decisions now, in light of current events?



<Trumpy before his time?
Joh Bjelke-Petersen, 
Official Portrait, 1980:
Queensland State Government>


<v.>
Beyond these basic reforms -- which require another post, for another day -- It's also worth remembering that all autocracies eat themselves, sooner or later. For simplicity's sake, I'll focus on the experience of Queensland, Australia's second-largest province -- which the notorious Johannes "Joh" Bjelke-Petersen ruled for nearly 20 years, from 1969 to 1987.

Why cite him? In many ways, Joh represents one of the closest analogues to Trump, with whom he shares striking parallels. Like Trump, Bjelke-Petersen started in business -- by quitting school at 14, to join his family's peanut farming enterprise. He entered politics as a local councilman, before moving on to the Queensland Assembly in 1947, where he remained for 40 years.

From there, Bjelke-Petersen enjoyed a steady climb through the ranks of his Country Party -- first, as minister for works and housing in 1963, and acting minister of various departments (including the police). He became Premier in 1968, kicking off a prolonged misrule whose hallmarks should feel eerily similar to chroniclers of our current malaise.

Like Trump, Joh spent much of his time pursuing all manner of real and imagined enemies -- from Communists and socialists, to trade unions, and university students, whom he scorned as "Nancy boys." Like Trump, Joh treated the police force as his personal enforcer in severely restricting civil liberties, such as requiring permits for any type of public gathering of three or more people. In other cases, protests were simply broken up with brute force, or the use of staged disturbances.

Like Trump, Joh aggressively sought to remake Queensland in his own image -- one built around an official identity of prudery and rectitude, allowing him to camouflage its gross abuses of power and rampant cronyism. Like Trump, Joh manipulated the system to gain outsized advantages politically. In Joh's case, his preferred tool lay in the "Bjelkemander," which benefited rural voters at the expense of their (presumably) godless city peers.

Like Trump, Joh spoke in a rambling, winding syntax that allowed him to avoid direct answers, or deflect them elsewhere. He often came across as thin-skinned and defensive, and could not abide any kind of criticism. Like Trump, Joh tried to intimidate the press, whom he often carpet bombed with defamation suits. As he told the Australian Financial Review, in 1986: "The greatest thing that could happen to the state and the nation is when we get rid of the media. Then we would live in peace and tranquility, and no one would know anything."

Like Trump, Joh appeared unbeatable and untouchable. The peak of his power came in 1983, when Joh and his renamed National Party reduced their Liberal Party governing partners to a mere eight legislative seats. Joh apparently felt sufficiently encouraged to launch a brief bid for Prime Minister in 1985, a venture largely backed by the propertied interests with whom he'd become so cozily intertwined.

But in 1987, Joh's misrule finally came crashing down, due to a Royal Commission inquiry into police corruption. The Fitzgerald Inquiry, as it became known, had been sparked by an explosive investigative report, "The Moonlight State" (which you can find on YouTube). The resulting tsunami of allegations simply proved too damaging to contain, and forced Joh to retire, however reluctantly, in December 1987.

The resulting toll claimed other associates, notably Bjelke-Petersen's partner in crime, Police Commissioner Terry Lewis. He ended up serving 10 years of a 14-year sentence, a sentence unheard of in Australia at the time, for such a high profile public figure. Two other ministers were convicted of falsifying expense records and stealing public funds, while a third player, senior minister Russ Hinze, died of cancer before going to trial on eight counts of corruption, involving his improper acceptance of $520,000.

The resulting outcry also led to the National Party's decimation in December 1989, in which the Australian Labor Party (ALP) gained 24 seats, by over 50 percent of the vote. Long locked out of power by Bjelke-Petersen's machinations, the ALP regained control of Queensland for the first time since 1957 -- marking the final coffin nail in for the now-infamous "Hillbilly Dictator" and his personality cult.

Bjelke-Petersen caught one final break in 1991, when a jury deadlocked 11-1 for conviction on perjury charges -- despite revelations that the foreman had been an ardent Joh supporter, and active in a local National Party group. A year later, the state declined to retry Bjelke-Petersen, on the grounds that, at 81, he was too old. (For further information, see the Australian TV movies, Police State '89, and Joh's Jury, which concentrates on the feckless foreman's antics.)

Even so, the outcome didn't stop him from cheekily suing the Queensland government in 2003, alleging "lost business opportunities" due to his fall from power! Not to be outdone, Lewis also sued his legal team for inadequate counsel. Neither suit went anywhere, underscored by the admonishment that Bjelke-Petersen had been lucky to avoid a second corruption trial.

So where does this example leave us, as our 249th birthday winds down? First and foremost, the knowledge that, at a certain point, the system can only absorb so much overreach, before the course of events -- like the Fitzgerald Inquiry -- forces a drastic change.

Second, that turning back the clock only pays off for so long. The Fitzgerald Inquiry led to a major redrawing of political boundaries -- and the creation of the Criminal Justice commission, to investigate claims of police misconduct.  The Queensland Special Branch implicated, in so many of Bjelke-Petersen's excesses, was disbanded in 1989.

Third, that there are collateral consequences for those who "go along with the program." Prison terms and public disgrace are two of the more obvious occupational hazards, while the reconstituted Liberal National Party -- as it's called nowadays -- hasn't polled above 10 percent in an Australian federal election since 1997.

Last, and not least -- that personality cults don't outlive their founders. No one claimed Joh's mantle following his enforced exit from the national stage, a prospect that seems totally unlikely today, given his party's prolonged decline as a political force. What's more no one associated with Joh's excesses will ever escape the stain of their association with them.

Like too many bad actors, Joh lived to an indecently long age, dying at 94, in April 2005. However, as the march of time continues, he remains largely unmissed and mourned, disgraced and discredited by the power that he pursued so ardently and feverishly -- along with the key members of his clique. 

In the end, they denied themselves a real legacy, forever doomed to serve as poster children for absolute power corrupting absolutely -- with their names and faces slowly fading from memory. This is what keeps Trump and his own clique awake at night -- that the jig is well and truly up, having been unmasked as the imposters that they are, while their names and faces begin fading from memory.

Time will tell if they suffer that fate, or some measure of it, which will determine how much triage may be needed to rebuild the system that they have so severely damaged. Hopefully, it won't last for 20 years, as it did in Joh's self-styled Kingdom of Queensland. 

But at some point, all the excess will sputter to an end, which should encourage to work -- all the harder, as the sands of this Independence Day run out -- to bring on that outcome sooner, rather than later. -- The Reckoner


Links To Go (I Feel Like A Queenslander...):
Alternet: "Mad King": Analyst Says Trump


To The Contrary: The Conscience Of Lisa Murkowski:
https://charliesykes.substack.com/p/the-conscience-of-lisa-murkowski

The Atlantic Monthly: They Didn't Have To Do This:
https://archive.ph/cGgTR


"And I must be an acrobat, 
to talk like this, and act like that...">

Saturday, June 28, 2025

Mad King Watch (Take VII): Last Chance To Stop Trump's "Big Ugly Mess?"

 

<But they'll just "get over it," right?
Just about sums it up...>


The scramble is in full swing on Capitol Hill this weekend, if you haven't already been paying attention. Every imaginable deal is being brokered, and every possible elbow is being twisted, as Republicans bow and scrape on behalf of Trump's "Big Beautiful Bill" (BBB)*, or, as I call it, the "Big Ugly Mess" (BUM), to get the waverers on board -- such as Missouri Senator Josh Hawley, who's suddenly a "yes," after weeks of airing public concern about the potential impact of Medicaid cuts on rural hospitals in his state.

Now that his Republican patrons promise a $25 billion fund to help states offset the anticipated devastation of $863.4 million in Medicaid cuts, Hawley seems to have made his peace with the resulting wreckage, it seems. 

Never mind that he wrote an eloquent op-ed for the New York Times arguing against such notions, because of their potential to harm so many, and his party getting permanently tarred with that brush. Never mind that the $25 billion will never be nearly enough to keep up with the tidal wave of need. It's all about appearances, and for Hawley, that will do, apparently. We'll see how fast the others fall in line.

It brings to mind the Biblical phrase, "selling your birthright for a mess of pottage," doesn't it? A lyric from Ian Curtis also springs to mind: "People who change for no reason at all/It's happening all of the time." All I can say is, I hope that Hawley can explain his chameleonic conversion to the constituents who won't be able to count on the government-funded healthcare and benefits that he's fortunate enough to enjoy.

Nevertheless -- given the Republicans' barreling toward some type of vote or other this weekend, there is still at least one more major opportunity to make our voices heard, and let them know, we don't want them doing this. And if they do, there will be consequences -- as in, the ending of their political careers, such as they are, however they care to define it.

For those who still need a snapshot of what's at stake, this friendly reminder from Team AFL-CIO should suffice (see below). Meanwhile, let's make the phone lines ring, sing and buzz like never before!  We have a long, long way to go, for sure, but you know the drill. --The Reckoner




AFL-CIO:
URGENT: $5 trillion gift
to billionaires at workers’ expense

The Senate is scrambling to finalize the anti-worker budget reconciliation bill and ram it through before anyone has a chance to read it.  

Senators have one final chance to stop these cuts to Medicaid, SNAP food assistance, federal workers’ paychecks and AI safety protections—and keep working families from paying for yet another big tax giveaway to billionaires and big corporations. We urge senators to reject this bill and stand up for working people before it’s too late.

While the text of the bill keeps changing, one thing is clear: This budget bill absolutely would harm working people. Here are some of the ways how:

  • Would rip health care away from some 16 million people through Medicaid and Affordable Care Act cuts, and would eliminate 600,000 care jobs in 2026 alone—forcing more than 330 rural hospitals to close their doors.

  • Would spike health care costs for people with insurance through work by nearly $500 per person per year and nearly $2,000 annually for a family of four.

  • Would destroy hundreds of thousands of good energy jobs and raise energy costs at a moment when working-class households are already struggling.

  • Would slash food assistance for 2.9 million Americans, and slash at least 140,000 jobs in food processing facilities, school cafeterias, grocery stores, and farms by cutting $186 billion in SNAP funding.

  • Would hand Big Tech a 10-year free pass to violate workers’ rights and jeopardize their safety by banning the enforcement of all existing or to-be-passed state and local AI laws for the next decade.

  • Would punish federal workers with a 10% penalty on union dues in an attempt to silence workers who fight for transparency, fair contracts and provide essential public services.

  • Would force federal workers to pay 15.6% of their salary into the Federal Employees Retirement System—while benefits for members of Congress would be untouched. 

  • Would add $155 billion in funding for President Trump’s mass deportation agenda to increase raids that target immigrant workers, throw members of our communities in detention and rip families apart.

  • Would replace the SAVE student loan plan with a repayment scheme that would raise costs for every borrower, making it harder for working-class students to attend college or trade school and stay there.

  • Would stop us from creating the next generation of teachers, nurses and mental health workers by stopping anyone who isn’t projected to take home a Wall Street salary from taking out a federal student loan. 

We need you to speak out today. Tell the Senate this budget would be a disaster for working families and for our nation.

Call your senators at 231-400-0602 to tell them, “No cuts that hurt working families”!

In solidarity, 

 

Team AFL-CIO


<Republican Empathy 101: Need we say more?>


Sunday, June 15, 2025

Mad King Watch (Take VI): No More Kings (Right?)

 

"Let's see how long you Colonials last without our tea..."
King George III responds to his critics
("Schoolhouse Rock!", "No More Kings":
YouTube capture)

<i.>
Alas, Palantir had to make do without me yesterday. No facial recognition, no license plate captures, no surreptitious surveillance to worry about, as I simply couldn't get off the hamster long enough to go. Or at least work up the energy to round up the signs, stake out a parking spot, and all that sort of nonsense. I know it sounds lame, but these things happen in real life, especially with all the inefficiency routinely inflicted on the customer.

Let's put it this way. The other day, I had to walk twice inside the local Walgreens,  to snag a complete supply of medication for The Squawker. However, I couldn't just hit the drive-through, because -- guess what? "Due to a staffing shortage, the drive-thru is closed. However, the pharmacy is still open."  Altogether now, one, two, three:

Yaaarrrggghhh!”


So that means schlepping across the tiled tundra to the rear, where the pharmacy is actually located. No simple matter, when you've got problems standing for long periods of time, like I do. I resolved the issue, but made my displeasure clear. 

The pharmacy techs voiced empathy, but told me the problem wasn't getting any better, any time soon. "They won't give everybody enough hours to fully staff this place," one long-haired guy told me, his face pasted into a heavy frown. "And I'm not sure when they will."

"Sure, there's a staffing shortage," I responded. "It's because you guys aren't f#cking hiring anybody! But still, they tell us, 'Nobody wants to work!'"

Nobody argued with me.

On my way out, I encountered a hulking guy built like a truck driver, who asked, "What's the excuse this time?"

"You know the drill," I sighed, working my fingers into air quotation marks. "'Staffing shortage.'"

"That's horseshit!" he barked.

"You're telling me!" I responded. "It isn't even stylish horseshit."

That was my Friday, going into Saturday, as part of a three-hour odyssey to grab something for lunch, shop for groceries (we're out of everything!), pick up a couple 'zines from the printer (gotta mail 'em out Monday!), and oh yeah, pick up those drugs (before our cash runs dry!). 

I also had an interview to do on Friday, too. So needless to say, I was totally spent. But guess what? I'm not sure it mattered, for more than the usual garden variety reasons, as we'll see momentarily.


Did he not read his reviews? 
King George III gets the royal heave-ho...
("No More Kings," YouTube capture)

<ii.>
Personal constraints aside, No Kings Day didn't amount to a complete wipeout for me. Once Squawker and I had opted to stay home, I settled on a different idea -- making a performance clip of some '80s radical-Britpunk-song-or other. And then, just to drive the point home, I added a link for "No More Kings" (see links below), via the famed "Schoolhouse Rock!" series.

Who doesn't remember those clips, and still find them thrilling? The original series -- which ran from 1973 to 1985, and briefly revived, from 1993, through 1996* -- aimed to educate kids about the basics of American democracy ("I'm Just A Bill"), economics ("Dollars And Sense"), history ("Electricity, Electricity"), language ("A Noun Is A Person, Place Or Thing"; "Conjunction Junction"), numbers ("My Hero Zero," later covered by the Lemonheads!), and physical fitness ("The Body Machine"). You name it, they covered it, or so it seemed.

For my money, these snappy little ditties rank among the most entertaining and educational of their kind. Way more so, certainly, than the 20-odd-years of teaching to standardized tests that No Child Left Behind has imposed on us. I have yet to meet anyone from my generation who doesn't know them, in some way, shape, or form.

But I swear, I felt serious chills, once I dialed up "No More Kings," especially in light of current events. The lyrics deftly summarize the tipping points that led to the American Revolution, which seesaw from relatively benign ("Anything you say, King, it's okay, King/You know it's kinda scary on your own"), to seriously dour ("Don't you get to feelin' independent/'Cause I'm gonna force you to obey!"), and then, gloriously rebellious ("It's very clear you're being unfair, King/No matter what you say, we won't obey").

And that's when it hits me. This isn't some dusty little historical artifact, though it originally aired in 1975, to prime kids for America's 200th birthday party, the Bicentennial. The song could be describing today's situation, driven by a President who claims he's not a monarch, and has no regal ambitions, though his every move screams otherwise, loudly, clearly, and insistently.

No royal aspirations? This, from a man who spent his 79th birthday, indulging the  North Korean-style military parade that less sycophantic subordinates denied him, the first time around. This, from a man who cancels grants to nonprofits, states, and universities -- anyone who won't bow and scrape to him. This, from a man who strives to squash any expression of dissent, no matter how mild, because his fragile ego simply can't handle it.

Pushing back against these tendencies are what Saturday's events (No Kings Day) were all about. As one of my Facebook friends noted, focusing on the obvious -- "It won't change his base's minds"; "It won't convince him that he's wrong"; "It won't topple him from power" -- is the wrong way to go. 

Because no matter what comes of it, one of the biggest values of protest is the psychological aspect It reminds us that we're not alone, because others feel the same way that we do, and we're not crazy for thinking that way. And whenever that opportunity presents itself, we should make the most of it.

After all, you never know what might happen, right? How else to explain the weekend's other big story, in which the Trump regime announced that workplace raids of farms and hospitals are going on hold -- for now, at least. Why? Because they're constituencies he can't afford to lose. 

Businesses can't run without them. And when workers don't show up, because they're scared of getting deported, prices shoot up. And then, everybody loses out. We all know what happens at the ballot box, when people start paying through the nose for the basics, or teeter on the brink of losing everything. Just ask Jimmy Carter, or Herbert Hoover. No politico wants to join that particular club.

How long will that holding pattern last? Who knows? Obviously, with Trump, nothing is simple, nor certain. But every time that his imperial power grabs hit a speed bump, the center holds just a little bit longer. Every inch of breathing room that we snatch back gets us closer to the finish line -- when this madness is finally over, and start living up to our ideals, like those spelled out in all those cute little videos.  

And how does that effort start? On a weekend like this one, when people gather to remind America's wannabe autocrat that, no matter how hard he tries to get us to submit, no matter what sorts of threats he throws our way, no matter what kind of dire retaliation he promises to rain down on us, then it's time to say -- "To put it kindly, King, we don't agree," and take it from there: "They wanted no more Mother England/They knew the time had come to take command." Just like in the song. -- The Reckoner


Links To Go: Hurry, Hurry, Before George III
Returns (To Haunt Us From The Grave):

Politico.com: The Resistance 2.0 Arrives
With Nationwide "No Kings" Protests:

Schoolhouse Rock!: "No More Kings": Lyric Video:

The Guardian: ICE Reportedly Shifting Away
From Immigration Raids On Farms And Hotels:

YouTube: Schoolhouse Rock! Rocks! (1996 Tribute Album):
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLr1fYOvQFfPf18clm6BN8fN-VrAz8vop8


(*Reckoner's Note: And revived once more, for a 2009 direct-to-video series, "Schoolhouse Rock: Earth," inspired by climate change themes, that never aired on TV at all -- which is why the series' duration is given as 1973-2009.)

Sunday, June 8, 2025

Making Work Manly Again: Rethinking Trump's Rust Belt Chic

<Remember this guy? What he's doing today -- 
or not -- may surprise you 
(see East Village Magazine link below)>

<i.>
From rock stars to rapscallions, researchers, and everything in between, I can safely say that I've done many fascinating interviews over my decades-long career. Some of the most interesting ones, though, have happened locally, especially when some aspect of the encounter can tie in with the present.

About a decade ago or so, I interviewed Robert, one of our longtime city commissioners, who recalled how he'd started out. Having served about 30 years on the commission, Robert was regarded as its unofficial dean, since he's sat on other local boards, as well. He's not currently on the commission, but I believe he's serving as the chairman of the Housing Commission.

Like most Black men of his era, Robert went straight from high school to the foundry floor, where he became a union representative, serving on the bargaining committe, and eventually, president of his local union. Over time, he developed a parallel career as an organizer, which took him nationwide to other foundries and forges, where he advised new or existing unions about their issues.

That wasn't the hook for the story, which focused on his personal resilience -- as someone who raised about a dozen children between two marriages, including a couple who weren't his own biologically, but accepted into his family. But I couldn't resist asking Robert -- retired after 45 or so years, at several foundries -- what he thought about the decline of manufacturing, once it accelerated during the '80s.

"Man, are you kidding me?" Robert just let out a booming laugh, and shook his head. "When I started, they told us, "You'll all be out of here in two years. This plant will be gone!" That's because the foundry bought castings from Mexico, among other parts -- even in the 1950s, he noted.

When I asked how the union addressed those things, Robert shrugged. "I just took it as a challenge. We worked with the plant, they worked with us. Not everybody got what they wanted, but it was a give and take. That's how the system worked, and everybody accepted it."

As Robert pointed out, he felt fortunate to spend his whole life working in one job -- enough to provide a good pension, care successfully for so many children, and buy the small house where our interview took place, and sufficient time to serve his community. "I don't have any regrets," Robert said. "I've done the best I could, with whatever I've had."

<Found on Threads: The pitch 
that's already launching a thousand jokes...>

<ii.>
Presumably, it's the Roberts of the world that President Trump's self-dealing Commerce Secretary, Howard Lutnick, seemed to be invoking when he recently called on Americans to stand shoulder to the wheel, as it were, in gritting through his boss's on-again, off-again tariffs, cloaked and crafted in the name of reviving American manufacturing:

"You go to the community colleges, and you train people! It's time to train people not to do the jobs of the past, but to do the great jobs of the future. You know, this is the new model, where you work in these kinds of plants for the rest of your life, and your kids work here, and your grandkids work here."

You can find any number of variations on this pitch, such as Lutnick's sitdown on CBS's Sunday morning show, "Face The Nation" in April, where he said: "The army of millions and millions of human beings screwing in little screws to make iPhones—that kind of thing will come back...it's going to be automated...the tradecraft of America, is going to fix them, is going to work on them."

Got that? This is the Trumpian vision of Domestic Manifest Destiny, apparently -- no higher calling, it seems, than a lifetime spent making T-shirts and socks. Of all the goofy visions floating around Trumpworld, Lutnick's upbeat imagery of "screwing in little screws to make iPhones" ranks among the goofiest.

It's especially goofy, when you start with the obvious -- the politicos who lionize the factory floor the loudest just happen to have never spent any time there. Certainly not Trump, nor his fellow plutocratic bros like Lutnick, whose estimated net worth is $1.5 billion. Thanks to his ownership -- and subsequent sell-off -- of the financial services firm, Cantor Fitzgerald, it's safe to say he won't be making anybody's 
T-shirts and socks any time soon.


<The documentary that revived a genre, 
and launched a million others:
Front and back DVD covers
(DVD Exotica Blog)

<iii.>
There's a simple reason why such an inward-looking, retro-driven regime is peddling all this Rust Belt Chic, as Reason magazine's piece (see link below) suggests: "Some of the 'bring back the Rust Belt' sentiment surely has to do with a misplaced nostalgia for Main Street and all it represents more than an actual preference for work on factory floors..."

Nor are politicians the only ones who've caught that Rust Belt Nostalgia bug. Rockers like Big Country, Bob Seger, Billy Joel, John Mellencamp and Bruce Springsteen are some of the more obvious examples of artists who spent significant chunks of time chronicling the working man's anxieties and miseries, alongside a host of lesser-knowns (Joe Ely, Henry Lee Summer, The Iron City Houserockers, The Michael Stanley Band). Still other bands nod to the subject, without overtly commenting on it -- whether it's Devo's yellow-suited industrial look, or peers like the Rubber City Rebels, whose name plays on the rubber industry's prominence in their hometown (Akron, OH).

Examples of this phenomenon abound in other realms, too, such as in the '80s hit sitcom, "Roseanne," Michael Moore's breakout documentary film, Roger & Me (1989), and the writings of his close friend, Ben Hamper -- whose best-selling book, Rivethead: Tales From The Assembly Line (1992), chronicles the follies and foibles of his 11-year stint on the General Motors assembly line, from 1977 through 1988.

All this artistic earnestness has even birthed a perverse sub-genre of "ruin porn," as its detractors call it, one commonly characterized by the exploitation of industrial decay, and lacking any real context. It's a term that's often given to TV shows like VICE's "Abandoned" -- whose baseball cap-wearing, skateboarding host, Rick McCrank, points out that he does interview people, as part of exploring the impacts of his shuttered sites on the locals -- and the YouTube videos of Nick Johnson, who's earned a reputation for parachuting to various cities, their images seemingly chosen -- deliberately or not, you decide -- to fit the Trumpian narrative of decaying blue America.

Still, it's striking to see such a nostalgically-driven administration getting the basic details so consistently, and drastically, wrong. Even on a show like "Happy Days," which offers a sunny portrayal of its '50s-era time period, you never see its star character, the Fonz, urging anyone to join him at the garage where he works so tirelessly on all those cars. Quite the opposite, in fact.

How do we know? Just watch "Graduation," which aired February 8 and 15, 1977. We learn that Fonzie is secretly attending night school, so he can graduate with his longtime circle of friends -- Richie Cunningham, Ralph Malpn, Potsie. The two-parter climaxes in a stirring speech that Fonz gives at the ceremony -- once he's allowed to join -- about the importance of education: "Staying in school is cool!"

Aaayyy! Does that sound like someone resigned to a lifetime on the factory floor? Hardly. In "Live And Learn," which aired during Season Eight (11/18/80), Fonz -- fresh from a trip to Italy -- becomes a shop teacher at Jefferson High, and even flirts with growing a beard! Aaayyyy! Sit on that, Leonardo, you Renaissance nerd!

The same spirit exemplifies the major "Happy Days" spinoff, "Laverne & Shirley." Much of its comedy stems from its blue collar setting (Shotz Brewery, Milwaukee, WI), and characters engaged in various states of occupational denial. It's the type of setting where Carmine, the resident heartthrob, dreams of becoming a singing sensation, and Lenny Squiggy are angling for some kind of wider fame, well, beyond their spit-curled strangeness.

Not to be outdone, Laverne and Shirley attempt various Lucy and Ethel-style schemes to shed themselves of their jobs, too. One minute, they're humiliating themselves on a game show (the aptly-titled, "Be Silly For Dollars"), as they chase after some big cash prize. The next, they're trying to gatecrash some hoity-toity modeling agency without a portfolio, let alone a headshot.

I'm running on the stuff of teenage memory here, but Shirley's response to the snooty agency denizen's question ("Where's your portfolio?") is pure comedy gold. "We lost it," Shirley replies coolly, with all the screw-you-too poise that any seasoned fake-it-to-maker can muster. 

It's a moment that any punker, hip-hopper or DIY culture make can appreciate, for obvious reasons. But never do you hear her, or any of the gang from Arnold's Drive-In, ever say, "Wow, Shotz Brewery! What a job. I hope it never ends."


<A man and his motorboard:
Arthur "The Fonz" Fonzarelli 
ponders his factory floor-free future
(YouTube capture)>

<iv.>
Needless to say, there's a lot of reasons why Trump's Rust Belt Chic just doesn't add up. But let's start with another obvious point. Has anybody even bothered to ask the groundlings how they feel about this messianic vision of rote manual labor for life? 

I took the liberty of doing an online search, fueled by a relevant keyword phrase ("The reality of factory work/Reddit"). Here's an economy tour of what I found, with minor punctuation edits, starting with the this thread ("Why Are Factory/Warehouse Jobs Considered Bad"):

"While I am not an operator and my tasks are not physically demanding, the constant observation from management, the lack of upward movement, more punishments than bonuses or privileges, and doing the same over and over again, are literally frustrating, and kill your drive.

"Some of my seniors literally work every single day (including Saturday and Sunday), 50+ hours weekly, and do the same thing every day. If they mess up or fail to meet the prerequisites from the marketing department, they're the first to be blamed."

Or maybe you should listen to this desperate-sounding person, whose only experience is janitorial or production work ("Factory Work Is Misery"):

"This factory has pretty much given me the worst years of my life, and that's saying a lot, considering I've suffered from near crippling depression for as long as I can remember. It's broke me down both physically and mentally. It gets harder and harder to get out of bed everyday. I know I should look for something else but I live in the middle of bumfuck nowhere, it's either, here, construction or retail, and unfortunately, this place pays the best by a significant margin."

And, last but not least, this observation, from a former 14-year manufacturing engineer, who doesn't see his bygone field as the place to be ("CMW: Why Manufacturing Jobs Are Not Good Jobs").

"It is largely dependent on politicians pulling some odd strings to try and recreate jobs that are obviously being replaced by automation and AI and the realities of the global economy, which is outside of any one country's control, so even if you have a job today, your chances of still having that job 5 years from now are drying up REAL fast."

Granted, this is a small sampling of the sentiment out there. But honestly, though, after a couple hours of dedicated keyword searching, beyond the usual neutral-sounding, bet-hedging non-observations -- "Depends what industry, and what plant," that sort of thing -- I have yet to find a ringing endorsement of Lutnick's vision, such as it is.


<"Oh, Jeez, Shirl, we'll never crack 
the stadium circuit, looking like this!"

"No worries, Laverne. We're fictional characters, 
so it doesn't matter. We're gonna live forever."

One of the Milwaukee duo's many bids for fame...
...doin' that "Supermarket Sweep"!
(YouTube capture)>

<v.>
But let's take the premise behind Trump's tariff blitz at face value. If American manufacturers come home, we can make more goods here, right? And if the goods come home, so will the jobs, and all the economic detox will have been worth it.  Right? Wrong, for five major reasons.

First, it's important to remember the realities of reshoring. It's a process that requires major upfront investments in property and people -- which can take one to five or more years, assuming all the ducks are in order. That's one thing to do, when prices are stable -- quite another, amid the current zigzagging on tariff policy. In the end, as experts like Kimberly Clausing tell the New York Times (see below), "I think it will just make a lot more sense to make the entire thing somewhere else, and just pay the tariff once." So much for the purpose of the mission.

Second, the look of manufacturing has changed markedly -- as you'll see in the Reddit threads, and the Reason piece, where the Economist's editor-in-chief notes the overall proportion of manufacturing workers with PhDs has risen by 50 percent since 2016: "Manufacturing is increasingly a high-skill, high-end activity." It's not a prognosis that bodes well for the "poorly educated" that Trump professes to love so dearly.

Third, the continued emphasis on AI and automation -- not only as a driver of boosting corporate profits, but also, the speed and efficiency of routine tasks -- makes any prospects of mass reshorting in the US remote. A factory that needed 500 workers can now run with 10 to 50 workers, depending on the operation. Even if "some jobs" return, that'll never happen in sufficient enough numbers to make up for the losses that happened from 1980 through 2000, when an estimated two million manufacturing jobs evaporated.

Fourth, if we really want "the good jobs" to return, we'll have to find ways of boosting union membership -- which typically drives other employers to pay higher wages. But only six percent of US workers belong to unions, which is a truly meager percentage, even compared to fellow industrialized laggards like France (10.3%), Spain (12.4%), and Australia (12.5%). 

Finally, we also need to start having honest conversations about what kind of work people want -- especially once Trump's deportation apparatus cranks to full strength, and starts emptying the construction sites, meat packing plants, orange groves, and other hard, grinding jobs that native workers typically give a pass. With unemployment running at 4.2%, it's hard to imagine diehard MAGA voters lining up to pick fruit in triple-digit temperatures -- or, for that matter, jiggling screws into iPhone plates, as Lutnick envisions:

"But millions of Americans returning to the factory floor, with flip phones in their pockets, doesn't seem like a recipe for widespread fulfillment and economic flourishing to me, nor a viable political strategy for the GOP. My hunch is that people don't like it when their living standards get drastically worse."


That reason, more than any other, is why Trump's Rust Belt Chic doesn't add up, and never will. On the bright side, Robert can still enjoy his retirement, and the Fonz can teach shop in perpetuity -- since reruns can't be offshored, nor do they ever need to be reshored, so it's a win-win all around, right? Aaayyy! --The Reckoner


Links To Go
East Village Magazine:
Ben Hamper Remembers Rivethead
:
https://www.eastvillagemagazine.org/2021/06/12/profile-30-years-later-ben-hamper-remembers-the-rivethead-his-legacy-of-that-one-story-that-one-guy/

Newsweek: Howard Lutnick's Remarks

New York Times: Why Trump's Tariffs Won't Work
https://archive.ph/ewKIM