Sunday, April 28, 2024

No Labels Leaves The Building: What Now, Then, For 2024?


<Mike Luckovich (Atlanta Journal-Constitution)
wishes Mitch McConnell a happy retirement,
on his way out of the building...>


<i.>
Slowly but surely, after months of missed deadlines, and postponed reveals, the dream died -- not with a bang, but a whimper, to coin that timeworn T.S. Eliot phrase. On April 4, the forces behind the No Labels curtain finally confirmed what the commentariat had already gathered -- that it wouldn't mount a third party ticket for this year's high stakes Presidential election.

In its public statement, the group blamed a lack of suitable candidates: "No Labels has always said we would only our ballot line to a ticket if we could identify candidates with a credible path to winning the White House. No such candidates emerged, so the responsible course of action for us is to stand down."

Or, to put it another way, nobody wants to end up the punchline of a joke, nor their epitaph to read: "I helped Trump regain the White House." Which is why some two dozen-odd names --- ranging from Trump's last major rival, Nikki Haley, to 2016 retreads like Chris Christie, Never Trumpers like ex-Maryland Governor, Larry Hogan, and the West Virginia Gremlin, Senator Joe Manchin -- turned down the opportunity, it seems.

That left Democratic strategist Doug Gordon to tie a bow on the obvious: "It shouldn't taken 30 people turning them down, and tens of millions of dollars spent, for them to realize what was clear all along, they had no path to winning, and would only play the role of a spoiler." 

The basic premise of No Labels -- a joint Democratic/Republican ticket, primed for that ever-elusive commodity of "common ground" -- sounded breathtakingly simple, and infuriatingly head scratching, at the same time. As I often joked, "Does this mean we'll get that dream pairing of some free market militarist, and vaguely progressive-sounding second banana? What's the appeal?"

How would such an ideological tossed salad would ever work? No Labels never explained. Still, the concept appeared to pose a significant threat to President Biden's re-election hopes, especially among so-called "double haters" -- or voters who can't stomach him, or Trump. The group had gotten on 19 state ballots -- greased by its mysterious patrons behind the curtain, and their apparently bottomless checkbooks -- before it pulled the plug. 

Who were these masked men? Don't ask, don't tell. We'll never know, since anonymity is the coin of dark money politics. Thankfully, No Labels and left the building, and we're all the better off for it. Does this mean we shouldn't worry about other third party efforts? That depends, as we'll see.



<"Give 'Em
What They Want"/
The Reckoner>
Right-wing activist Jack Posobiec 
kicks off this year's
Conservative Political Action Conference>

<ii.>
Although Democrats are breathing audible relief, No Labels's announcement doesn't immediately change the unpleasant optics that dog Biden's re-election efforts. His approval ratings remain well underwater -- on a good day, hovering at just over 40 percent, on a bad day, slightly less -- and concerns persist about his age. We're talking about someone who'll be 86, if he actually finishes out his second term -- a Rubicon that many voters seem leery of crossing.

Younger voters have also soured on Biden -- notably, due to Israel's destructive militaristic orgy against Gaza, and lack of progress on priorities like student loan debt relief. How long they'll hold their grudges remains to be seen, especially if Trump's return shows signs of gaining traction again (and the white Christian nationalist police state he openly mulls about vowing to impose -- just read Project 2025 for those grisly specifics).

But let's put those factors aside, and take the arguments at face value. If Biden's past his sell-by date, isn't it time for a political savior, who can lead us to that shining city on the hill? Someone preferably unsullied by current events, and our tribalized politics, of course, who could ride the disaffected vote to an eleventh hour upset.

Might that figure be Cornel West, the rock star academic who
 can boil complex ideas into snappy soundbites ("The ruling class can't ride your back, unless it's bent")? Voters who feel the Democratic Party could never be progressive enough, no matter what it does, those disaffected voters may well be inclined to say, "Go West, young man."

Yet West's intoxicating verbal tonic is one that's also long on rhetoric, and silent about how he'd turn any of his priorities -- a $27 per hour minimum wage, a National Jobs Program to ensure full employment, banning corporate stock buybacks, and so on -- into reality. His campaign website presents them as a string of bullet points, and leaves it there, at least for now.

West's dizzying zigzags -- from the People's Party, to Green Party, and back again, to full-on independent -- also hint at a short attention span that would kill him on Capitol Hill, where philosopher-kings are scarcely seen, for a reason. His lack of political  experience also begs the question, after the dumpster fire of the Trump-era presidency, whether we can ever afford the luxury of training someone on the job.

But West's bullet points are positively encyclopedic, compared to the one-paragraph statements that characterize the "Principles" section of Stein's website. Like West -- for whom Stein also served as campaign manager, during his Green Party phase -- she supports the right to a living wage, food, and housing, the Green New Deal, and curtailing American military interventions. Like West, Stein is equally silent about how she'd make any of those things happen.

There's also the small matter of how Democrats might feel about seeing someone whom they blame for costing Hillary Clinton the 2016 election, coming back for an encore. I suspect they won't be so casually dismissive of Stein's impact as they were in 2016. What kind of opposition research fireworks they'll unload against her, I'll leave to your imagination.


<"Labels, Shmabels"/
Take I: The Reckoner>

<iii.>
All right, then. Perhaps Cornel West and Jill Stein are too flawed to be successful. Might RFK Jr. be the political savior we've been seeking? A look at his website offers a more detailed overview than your standard issue white knight provides. He espouses some classic liberal positions, from the $15 per hour minimum wage, to free childcare, and reining in housing costs. His policy page is fairly detailed -- such as proposals to promote homeownership --  and, in some places, downright hyper-specific (for example, the idea of expanding AmeriCorps, which is laudatory in itself).

How Democrats will square those particular circles with Kennedy's vaccine and geopolitical skepticism remains to be seen. RFK Jr. also has little to say on foreign affairs, beyond (emphasis mine) ending
 "the military adventures and regime-change wars, like the one in Ukraine."  Looking for someone to check  Putin's megalo-tyrannical impulses? Look elsewhere. Otherwise, like most newcomers, he has little to say about foreign policy issues (in fairness, not having been in a position to deal with them).

There's also the small matter of Kennedy's funding, starting with Timothy Mellon -- a billionaire who once stood proudly in Trump's corner, to the tune of $15 million, for various MAGA-related causes. He's since emerged as RFK Jr.'s biggest patron, at $20 million, followed by Gavin de Becker ($10 million), a security consultant for the likes of Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos.

Strangely, though, American Values -- the Kennedy Super PAC, through which his campaign cash gushes -- has returned most of de Becker's money (see link below). But it's well worth asking: does a candidate surrounded (and bankrolled) by the reactionary mega-rich have any right to claim the progressive mantle, and whose interests will he actually represent? 

That's before we get to other small matters, like the January 6, 2021 insurrection. Kennedy's suggestion that the ongoing federal prosecutions of defendants -- the same ones who used batons, bear spray, flagpoles, sticks, and tomahawks that day -- are politically motivated reeks of either jaw-dropping naivete, moral bankruptcy, or sheer stupidity, depending on your mood, or outlook.

Despite his background as an environmental lawyer, Kennedy is also a climate change skeptic, and has shown little appetite for regulations -- although he does support banning liquified natural gas exports. (Biden has paused them.) That desire to "have it both ways" -- coupled with opposition to gun control, Trumpian-style calls for a closed border, and full-throated defense of Israel -- could make Kennedy radioactive to the vast majority of Democratic voters. Time will tell.


<"Labels, Shmabels"/
Take II: The Reckoner>

<iv.>
So, does RFK Jr,'s presence automatically dampen Biden's second term prospects? Not necessarily. First, non-major party candidates typically tend to lose steam as the big day looms closer, and people revisit whatever initial choices they've made.

The classic example is the 1992 election, when Texas billionaire Ross Perot came from nowhere to lead national polls (36%) over Republican President George Bush (30%), and Democratic challenger, BIll Clinton (26%). It was an event that inspired much brow-furrowing and finger-wagging from pundits, as both major parties scrambled to court Perot and his followers.

They needn't have bothered, as Perot finished with 18.9% of the popular vote on Election Day. Although Perot turned in the best showing of any independent candidate since 1912, it failed to win any love from the Electoral College -- because he didn't carry a single state.

Other cases include that of Ralph Nader -- who 
earned 2.74% of the popular vote in 2000, well short of the 5% he hoped to earn for the Green Party, and claim federal matching funds -- but enough to deny Democrat Al Gore the White House. Or you could point to Libertarian Gary Johnson, who averaged 8 percent throughout the 2016 Presidential race, only to bottom out at 4%. Any number of examples will do.

On this evidence, it's hard to imagine a path to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue for any of this year's upstart class, though how deeply RFK Jr. will bite into Biden's margin remains to be seen. Depending on the poll, Kennedy's support ranges from the high single digits (8-9%), to the mid-teens (15%). Some polls show Kennedy taking votes equally from Trump and Biden, which makes sense, since insurgent candidates can often appeal to different voting blocs that would otherwise have little in common. 

Other polls, like one from NBC News (see link below), suggest Trump has more to worry about -- with 15% of his voters choosing RFK Jr. in a five-way matchup. (Just 7% of Biden supporters would back RFK Jr., if they had the same option.) Yet even the inclusions of West and Stein doesn't prevent Biden from coming out on top, though only just barely -- by two points.

The scenario has prompted the punditry to dismiss the NBC poll as an outlier, although others -- notably, Marist, and Quinnipiac  -- have registered similar results. The verbal barrage that Trump has begun to unleash against RFK Jr. as "a Democratic plant," and "a WASTED PROTEST VOTE," suggests that the former President has already reached a different conclusion.



<"That Same Old Broken Record..."/The Reckoner>

<Coda>
So just where does all this insurgent energy leave us? As anxious as ever, basically, since the country is headed towards the Great Old White Guy Grudge March -- the same one that most of us openly dread, and don't want, so the pollsters say. In a different era, Trump and Biden would already be sailing into the sunset, plotting how to manage the dueling narratives of their legacies, and competing storylines.

Yet it's hard to imagine a different outcome in a nation that long ago slid into gerontocracy, whether we look at the average ages in the US House of Representatives (57.9), US Senate (65.3), or US Supreme Court (63). The doddering, tone deaf politicians we mocked during the '70s, when I grew up, are now as common as Elvis stamps -- like Iowa Republican Charles Grassley, re-elected in 2022, at 89. If we want the big names off the stage, it would help to stop enabling their ambitions. If not, look for them to continue dying at their desks, at least figuratively.

Given this unsavory backdrop of dead men and women still walking, it's not hard to understand why the emotional appeal of third parties -- even after the wreckage they left us in 2016 -- has never been higher. Snappish dismissals and stern admonitions will do little to turn that particularly tide, as Hillary Clinton recently demonstrated, by telling disaffected voters, "Get over yourself." It's Biden or Trump, so shut up, and swallow it, right?

The Boomer-era generation that Clinton represents -- the same one that yanked the economic, social and political ladders up behind them, once they'd achieved whatever they'd achieved -- lacks the moral capital to demand such unblinking compliance from the younger generation it's left to sweep up the mess.

However, the twin demons of ego and aggrandizement continue to muddle the success of such a remedy -- since third parties in America have normally served as convenient vehicles for their standard bearers. 
It's hard to imagine that Cornel West, for instance, really believes he'll occupy 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. But as one of the nation's hottest speakers, the idea of a Presidential run, however improbable, will certainly gin up his ticket sales, and his speaking fees.

And what Stein accomplish in what looks like a far lower-key second run is anyone's guess, though at worst, she might score a a book deal, or maybe a high-profile job at some institution or other. And would RFK Jr. even figure in the running, without his surname, and his family DNA? The question answers itself. 

What's more, this year's insurgent class may not leave any major legacy -- whether it's a new political party, or even an advocacy group to promote their ideas -- once the dust settles from this election. That task will inevitably fall to another upstart candidate to reinvent the wheel all over again, leaving us to bemoan our lot, as we always do: "Why aren't there any real choices this year?"

I have a better idea. Let us stop waiting for some self-styled white knight or social messiah to swoop in at the eleventh hour, whose lofty rhetoric will make our eyes water, and eliminate the need for the heavy lifting that real organizational efforts typically require. Because, make no mistake, the climb has never seemed steeper, because the stakes have never been higher. And there is much work to be done. --The Reckoner


Links To Go:
BBC: Democrats Are Worried:
But Will RFK Jr. Take More Votes From Trump?
:
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-68893186

Rolling Stone: Meet The Big Money Moguls 
Behind RFK Jr.'s Quest To Unseat Biden:

https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-features/rfk-donors-trump-investors-celebs-1234975307/

The Hill: Democrats Score Victory
With No Labels's Decision To Call it Quits
:

Inequity Baked Large: Our New Gilded Age, In Two Stats

 

<Class War CD: 2000
The Dils, helpfully reminding us
why the 1% deserve our undivided
love, attention, and gratitude...
[YouTube capture, plus all other images here]>

I hate the rich
They should dig a ditch
I hate the rich
Got a life without a hitch, 
life without a hitch

<Chorus>
I hate the rich, I don't want their money
I hate the rich, so it ain't so funny

<The Dils: "I Hate The Rich,"
What Records? single, 1977>


<i.>
We've all heard the saying, "One picture is worth a thousand words," right? There's a similar drive in journalism, where you're also looking for that "one thing" -- one bullet point, one fact, one figure, one quote -- that sums up the essence of what you're trying to tell the reader.

Well, when it comes to describing inequity in America, I've found two facts, on both sides of that divide, that really summarize the shit sandwich that most people are forced to eat right now. I found them via a survey that I filled out recently, and they're striking enough to post here. So, without further ado, here we go:

According to the most recent estimates from the Federal Reserve, the wealth distribution in the United States looks like this:

The bottom 50% of Americans own 2.5% of total wealth.


The middle 40% of Americans 

own 30.6% of total wealth.


The top 9.9% of Americans 

own 53.3% of total wealth.


The top 0.1% of Americans

 own 13.6% of total wealth.




Above: The sleeve that launched
a thousand air guitar dreams -- punk-rock style (1977)

Below: Not part of the 
original single release,
but I loved the effect...amazing 
what you can do,
with a YouTube dissolve... The Reckoner




Look at the poor, crawling on the floor
Look at the poor
Always wanting more
Always wanting more

<Chorus>
Look at the poor, all they need is money
Look at the poor, no, it ain't so funny

<"I Hate The Rich">



<ii.>
And here's another stat that really summarizes the Great American Divide. Remember all the hullabaloo about the wealth tax? Probably not, even though Congress pondered making such a move in 2021. Here's how it would have worked, had they actually gotten around to passing it:

The tax would have been 2% on the net worth above $50 million, with an additional 1% tax on net worth above $1 billion.

100,000 American households (less than 1 out of 1,000) would have been liable
for the wealth tax in 2023.

This is less than 0.1% of the American population.

The tax would have raised around
$3.0 trillion from 2023-2032,
contributing around 1%
of US GDP per year.


Congress didn't, of course. In 2021, we were treated to such unforgettable images as Senator Joe Manchin, the West Virginia Gremlin, preaching about the joys of austerity from the comfort of his 65-foot houseboat -- so he and his mainstream media ablers describe it, though it's really a yacht -- and his Arizona counterpart, Kirsten Sinema, signaling thumbs down to the $15 an hour minimum wage.

There you go, then. There you have it. Forget all the maunderings and mutterings you've heard about "class warfare," unless somebody's referencing one of those other great songs by the Dils, featured above. Stats become -- consisting mainly of those at the very top, and those being shoved toward the very bottom. No more, no less.

Grotesque as those images undoubtedly came across -- reeking from every pore, of the smugness of privilege, and the endless 20/20 hindsight of entitlement -- they did much to rebut the traditional lament of orthodox liberals everywhere: "This is not who we are."

But as these two stats tell you, this is who we are. And what we are. And what we've become. Three decades of adjunct professorships, temp agencies, and No-future, No-benefit McJobs, have eaten away at the core fibers of our democracy. With so many millions slipping through the cracks, it shouldn't surprise anybody to see so many demagogues around the globe gain so much traction. Trump is hardly the only one, as the Hungarians, Israelis and Turks will be quick to remind you.

The only ones surprised, it seems, are the normies who never saw it coming. Go figure, eh? But, in response to the proposition put forth by the Dils' sibling songwriters, Chip and Tony Kinman, I'll say it plain:

I, too, hate the rich.



I hate them for their ravenous, runaway self-indulgences that they expect us to subsidize indefinitely. I hate them for their moral bankruptcy, and the utter lack of accountability it thrusts in our faces. I hate them for their never-ending attempts to bend the rest of us to their will.

And most of all, I hate them for their unforgiving and unflagging kung fu grip on the power and privilege that they pass down, with ticktock regularity, from generation to generation. Nothing personal, as you guys always claim. Just business.


Even if we survive the threatened return of Trump, and the white Christian nationalist police state he promises to impose, the million dollar question remains. How do we navigate back to some sense of proportion? Your guess is as good as mine, at this point, honestly. --The Reckoner


<"I Hate The Rich": Rear sleeve,
with some strategic alterations
by Yer Humble Narrator..

Neither of these versions 
graced the original sleeve,
but YouTube's dissolve effect felt
too good to resist!
The Reckoner>



Links To Go (A Little Slice Of Punk History
Really Goes A Long Way...)

CNBC: Five Alarming Stats On US Economic Inequality:
https://www.cnbc.com/2023/03/28/5-alarming-stats-on-us-economic-inequality.html

LAist: This SoCal Punk Band Is Back
To Save Music At A Chinatown School:

https://laist.com/news/entertainment/the-dils-back-together-to-play-in-chinatown

Summer Of Hate:
Massive Three-Party Retrospective,
Interviews W/Dils Drummer John Silver, Guitarist Chip Kinman:
https://www.accum.se/~samhain/summerofhate/johndil.html#johndil

(Some of the best "deep dive" pieces I've ever read, on any underdog bad: suffice to say, even if you've only heard those singles, you're in for a treat here!)

Urban Institute: Nine Charts
About Wealthy Inequality In America:
https://apps.urban.org/features/wealth-inequality-charts/


Sunday, April 14, 2024

The Faces Of Hunger (Take Seven): The Blessings Box Lives Up To Its Name

<"Timely Reminder"/Take I:
The Reckoner>
 

Life rarely follows a straight line. There's always room for ambiguity, in good times and in bad, as The Squawker and myself found out a couple weeks ago, when we stopped off at the Blessings Box. It's a project that one of our local Methodist churches started doing a couple years ago, or so.

Like all the best ideas, it's breathtakingly simple. Take some food, leave some food, whatever you need, no questions asked. You can't bring any perishable items, since the church has no place to store them. But otherwise, anything goes. 

It reminds me of what a local hunger expert once said, when I covered a presentation about food insecurity: "I don't understand people who demand proof that you're hungry. If they come through the door, that should be proof enough."

That someone in any social service capacity should feel the need to say such things speaks volumes, I suppose, of how much suspicion the poor are often held. In any event, no cross-examination awaits you at the Blessings Box offers no judgments, and makes no promises.

Whenever our food budget bends to the breaking point, we stop by the Blessing Box, looking for items to help stretch it out: a box of macaroni here, a can of green beans there, and that's just a start. People often leave surprisingly high quality items there -- like bags of quinoa, for instance -- which makes the trip worthwhile. 

This particular Sunday came with a twist, however. Just as I was hauling some items to the van, a sixtysomething woman glides her SUV to a stop. She reaches into her pocket, and hands me a $20 bill.

Before I can say anything, she smiles, and tells me, "I haven't donated yet this week. But I see people getting what you're getting, and I figure... Somebody else can use this." 

"Thanks a lot," I say.

"Happy Easter," she smiles, and with that, she drives off.

I slide into the van, and show Squawker the twenty. "Well, guess what? Your efforts got a slight boost this week."

"Sure looks like it. Well, every little bit helps, as they say."

I put the van in gear, and head out. Faith in  humanity, however transitory it feels, however temporarily it's restored, is a beautiful thing. At some point, once those moments wash over you, they fade away, leaving some more ambiguous or disagreeable to take their place.

But until that happens, you're bound and determined to wring every drop of meaning out of that particular moment. That's how I'm feeling this Easter weekend, anyway. I hope you've gotten the same chance to experience it lately. The way are things going, we all can use a break now and then. --The Reckoner


<"Timely Reminder," Take II:
The Reckoner>